Author: Wycliffe Nyamasege

“I told President Tshisekedi multiple times, ‘The only way to end this conflict is through dialogue,’” Lourenço said in an interview with Jeune Afrique following the capture of Goma by the M23 rebels. “But each time, my advice was met with resistance.”

Lourenço warned that the conflict in eastern DRC risks spreading across the region without dialogue to address M23 grievances on, among others, persecution and marginalisation of Congolese Rwandophones.

“We cannot allow this war to escalate further. Every effort must be made to stop it,” he emphasized.

Reflecting on Angola’s own history, Lourenço drew parallels between the DRC crisis and Angola’s past conflicts.

“Even when we faced aggression, we sat down with our enemies. We negotiated with South Africa’s apartheid-era military and reached the 1988 New York Agreement,” he said.

“We also engaged in talks with UNITA to bring peace to Angola. Why should the DRC be any different?”

According to Lourenço, the December ministerial meeting between Rwanda and the DRC had made significant progress, with Rwanda agreeing to lift defensive measures and the DRC committing to dismantling the FDLR. However, he stressed that further steps were still needed.

“We must build on that progress and work toward a peace agreement signed by both leaders,” he urged.

As he prepares to assume the chairmanship of the African Union, Lourenço reaffirmed his commitment to resolving the crisis, stating that appointing a mediator for the Rwanda-DRC conflict would be a priority.

“Tshisekedi must understand that there is no other way,” Lourenço concluded. “If we truly want peace, we must be willing to talk.”

Speaking at a European Parliament session on Thursday, Rwanda’s Ambassador to Germany and Representative to the European Union, Igor César, condemned what he described as “lazy narratives” and called for a fact-based approach to addressing the crisis in eastern DRC.

César emphasized Rwanda’s vested interest in a stable DRC, pointing to significant trade relations between the two nations.

In 2021, Rwanda exported goods worth $683 million to the DRC, and by 2022, the DRC had become Rwanda’s top export partner, accounting for over 33% of total exports.

“Why would we jeopardize this?” he questioned, arguing that Rwanda’s economic growth depends on peace, not conflict.

The ambassador criticized the ongoing scrutiny of Rwanda, stressing that the real perpetrators of mineral smuggling and instability in the region are well-documented but remain largely unaddressed.

“The real smuggling networks are known. The real perpetrators are well-documented. And yet, the scrutiny always falls on Rwanda. Why?” he asked.

He attributed this to a blame-shifting strategy designed to avoid genuine accountability and reform in the DRC’s mining sector.

César also defended a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed last year between Rwanda and the European Union on critical raw materials, stating that the EU itself initiated the agreement.

“We engaged in this agreement in good faith because it aligned with our vision and pre-existing strategies,” he said, emphasizing that the demand for these minerals is a shared global interest.

The ambassador highlighted documented human rights violations within the DRC, citing reports from the U.S. Department of State and the UN Joint Human Rights Office.

He noted that Congolese security forces have long been identified as the leading perpetrators of human rights abuses in the region.

“This is not new. This is not accidental. It is a pattern,” he stated, criticizing the international community’s silence on such issues.

He also referenced past incidents, such as the 2021 assassination of Italian Ambassador Luca Attanasio, which was attributed to the Kinshasa-backed FDLR, and the hiring of over 2,000 European mercenaries by the DRC government in violation of international conventions.

“How long will your silence continue?” he asked, challenging the European Parliament on its selective response to regional issues.

César warned that the DRC government’s reliance on military solutions, including alliances with ethnic militias, the FDLR, and foreign mercenaries, undermines regional peace efforts.

“This reckless strategy—pursuing every possible option except genuine negotiations—continues to fuel instability,” he said while calling for a shift toward political dialogue.

The ambassador stressed that the only viable path forward is the implementation of the East African Community (EAC)-Southern African Development Community (SADC) joint summit’s recommendations, which include a cessation of hostilities, humanitarian action, and a return to negotiations.

“We now have a renewed opportunity to reset the political process and move towards a genuine resolution,” he said.

Reaffirming Rwanda’s commitment to peace, César dismissed accusations of expansionist ambitions.

“Rwanda has no expansionist agenda. We are not looking to redraw the borders we inherited from colonialism. All we want is credible, long-term peace for the development of our region,” he stated.

He concluded by calling on all stakeholders, including the European Union, to reject divisive narratives and support efforts aimed at achieving lasting stability in the Great Lakes region.

“Peace requires courage, accountability, and the rejection of the forces that fuel division and violence,” the ambassador remarked.

The ambassador’s remarks come amid concerns over the deteriorating security situation in eastern Congo, which recently culminated in the capture of Goma by M23 rebels. While the international community has accused Rwanda of supporting the rebels, Rwanda has denied the claims, instead stating that the M23 members are Congolese Rwandophones fighting against decades of persecution and marginalization by the government.

Despite repeated denials from the DRC government, the truth has gradually emerged. What was once concealed is now undeniable—the world has witnessed it unfold.

Recently, 288 mercenaries engaged by the DRC government were defeated in battle and granted safe passage through Rwanda to return to their home country, Romania.

The presence of foreign fighters in the conflict had long been suspected. Reports first surfaced in early 2023, alleging that the Congolese government was relying on mercenaries to combat M23. While Rwanda repeatedly pointed to this, Kinshasa dismissed the claims as propaganda.

At the time, residents of Goma reported seeing armed foreigners lodged at Hotel Mbiza. Many suspected they were members of Wagner, the infamous Russian mercenary group.

Curious about the allegations, IGIHE posed the question to Russia’s former ambassador to Rwanda, Karen Chalyan. He denied Wagner’s presence in the DRC but admitted hearing that the mercenaries came from Eastern Europe.

“I wish I had Rwf1000 for every time I’ve had to answer this question. Then, instead of doing international relations, I would be a very rich man spending his days in the world’s fanciest casinos.

“Let me say once again: there are no Wagner personnel in the DRC. And, to preempt another question, no agents of the Russian government are involved in any advisory capacity in eastern DRC—much less fighting,” the ambassador stated.

Three years later, it is no longer a rumour. IGIHE recently visited Goma and the very building where these mercenaries had stayed. The visit came after their surrender and evacuation through Rwanda.

At 6 AM on January 29, 2025, we arrived at the La Corniche border post between Rwanda and the DRC, expecting the mercenaries to be handed over by 10 AM. We waited for hours, only to learn that after surrendering to MONUSCO, negotiations were still ongoing.

M23 wanted them to leave the DRC in full military gear since they had been combatants, but the mercenaries refused.

At 3 PM, they crossed into Rwandan territory. Each one was thoroughly searched before being transported to Kigali, where they were later flown back to Romania.

Some of them wore United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) caps, raising questions about how a UN agency could allow such individuals to use its insignia.

This further reinforced allegations that during their time in the DRC, they were shielded by MONUSCO forces and even collaborated with them.

All of the mercenaries worked for Asociatia RALF, which UN experts identify as a Romanian enterprise composed of former Romanian soldiers from the French Foreign Legion.

They were reportedly paid around $5,000 per month—while regular Congolese soldiers earn as little as $100 or sometimes go unpaid. Their contracts stipulated an “indefinite period” of service, with a one-month break after every three months of deployment.

One recruit disclosed, “I am a fitness trainer by profession. I was in charge of the physical training of Congolese soldiers, preparing them for the battlefield.”

Another told us at the border that he had been in Goma for only two weeks after arriving from Tunisia. He even showed us his passport.

In Goma, they were housed in Quartier Les Volcans in a luxurious four-story apartment—one of the finest in the area. Inside, we found documents detailing their military strategy against M23, revealing plans to engage on multiple fronts.

Asociatia RALF is believed to operate across Africa, with contracts mentioning several “operational locations,” including Burkina Faso, DR Congo, Ivory Coast, Niger, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Gambia, and Guinea.

The presence of mercenaries in the DRC is not new. Between 1960 and 1965, the country became a battleground for foreign fighters.

One of the most infamous was Thomas Michael Hoare, who, along with his “4 Commando” unit, fought alongside Moïse Tshombe in Katanga’s secession war, serving Belgian interests.

In 1964, he returned to Congo as a military leader for Tshombe, commanding 300 South African fighters under the unit known as “Wild Geese.”

Meanwhile, in Kisangani, Pierre Mulele’s Simba rebels had taken 1,600 hostages, including European missionaries.

With the help of Belgian paratroopers, Cuban pilots, and CIA-backed mercenaries, Hoare defeated the Simba rebels in what became known as “Operation Dragon Rouge.”

Hoare often claimed that wars could be won even with a choir of church singers.

On July 7, 1967, Belgian mercenary Jean Schramme and his 120-man unit, alongside 2,500 Katangan fighters, took control of Bukavu, declaring the region an independent state—the “État des Volontaires Étrangers” (EVE).

Schramme aimed to overthrow Mobutu Sese Seko’s government and avenge the deaths of Patrice Lumumba and Pierre Mulele. However, his rebellion lasted only four months before being crushed.

Another notorious mercenary, Frenchman Bob Denard, first appeared in the DRC in 1961 to support Tshombe’s coup attempt against Mobutu.

He returned in 1964, this time fighting for Mobutu’s government alongside European and Katangan mercenaries.

Even revolutionary icon Che Guevara once set foot in Congo, reportedly seeking to expand his movement from Argentina.

The involvement of foreign fighters has continued into the modern era.

In June 2011, then-President Joseph Kabila hired DynCorp, a U.S.-based private military contractor known for deploying mercenaries to Iraq and Afghanistan. Kabila paid $17 million to train the Congolese army (FARDC).

Yet, history has shown that mercenaries have never brought lasting peace to the DRC. Instead, they have left behind devastation, plunder, and further instability.