Author: Wycliffe Nyamasege

Among those whose lives were cut short during the darkest chapters of Rwanda’s history was the country’s last queen, Rosalie Gicanda.

Queen Gicanda was killed on a day like today, April 20, 1994, just weeks into the Genocide. She was the widow of King Mutara III Rudahigwa, one of Rwanda’s most prominent historical figures. Those who knew her remember a woman of remarkable humility and moral strength, who lived with quiet dignity even as the monarchy she represented was dismantled.

Born in Rwamagana in 1928, Rosalie Gicanda married King Mutara III in January 1942. After his death in July 1959, she continued to live in Rwanda, even as political change swept the country.

In 1961, amid the shift to a republic, President Grégoire Kayibanda expelled her from the royal palace in Nyanza in an effort to erase traces of the monarchy. She then settled in Butare, now Huye District, where she remained out of the public eye for over three decades.

Despite her quiet life under both the First and Second Republics, Queen Gicanda was consistently denied the honour and protection that her status warranted. A devout Catholic, she lived modestly with her elderly mother and a few companions who assisted with household chores.

When the Genocide began, Queen Gicanda sought protection from Butare Prefect Jean Baptiste Habyarimana, a man known for resisting the massacres. But following Habyarimana’s arrest and assassination on April 17, fear spread rapidly through her household. She turned to Ngoma’s mayor, Joseph Kanyabashi, for help—but he declined.

On April 20, soldiers led by Lieutenant Pierre Bizimana stormed her residence under orders from Captain Ildephonse Nizeyimana, who was then Head of Intelligence and Operations at the ESO military school.

They abducted Queen Gicanda and six other women, taking them to a site behind the former National Museum of Rwanda, where they were executed. Her 80-year-old mother and a young caretaker, initially left behind, were also killed shortly after. A local priest intervened to ensure she was buried with dignity, and Mayor Kanyabashi later dispatched prisoners to carry out the burial near her home.

Queen Gicanda’s legacy is not only remembered through history books but also through personal testimonies, including one from President Paul Kagame. In 2017, he shared in an interview with Jeune Afrique how the queen had once helped save his life.

In 1961, during attacks on Tambwe Hill, where his family lived, a letter from Queen Gicanda arrived inviting them to seek refuge in Nyanza. They escaped just before attackers reached their home, later fleeing to Mutara and eventually into exile in Uganda.

President Kagame also revealed in a 2024 interview that he returned to Rwanda in secret during his years in exile to visit the queen in Butare.

This year’s commemoration takes on renewed significance following the arrest of Brigadier General Jean Baptiste Gakwerere, one of Queen Gicanda’s alleged killers. Gakwerere, once Secretary-General of the FDLR militia group, was recently handed over to Rwanda by the M23 rebel group after being captured during fighting around Goma.

At the time of the Genocide, he was a lieutenant at ESO/Butare and a close associate of Captain Nizeyimana. He reportedly led a notorious unit known as the “New Formula” soldiers, responsible for many of the massacres in Butare, including the killing of Queen Gicanda and Prefect Habyarimana.

Three decades on, Queen Rosalie Gicanda remains a potent symbol of grace, resilience, and national tragedy. Her life and death continue to remind Rwandans of the human cost of hate, and the enduring need to uphold dignity, memory, and justice.

In a letter dated April 17, 2025, to the President of the House of Representatives, Foreign Affairs Minister Caspar Veldkamp outlined a strategic realignment of the Netherlands’ global diplomatic footprint. The move, which aims to trim the mission network’s budget by 10% (equivalent to €70 million), comes amid shifting geopolitical dynamics and a broader government effort to cut costs.

Under the plan, the embassies in Burundi, Cuba (Havana), South Sudan (Juba), Libya (Tripoli), and Myanmar (Yangon) will be closed, along with consulates-general in Antwerp (Belgium) and Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). The closure of these seven missions is expected to save €25 million.

Minister Veldkamp said the decision was driven by a need for a “realistic foreign policy” that balances values, economic interests, and national resilience in an increasingly fragmented world.

“Far-reaching changes are under way around the world,” he noted, citing the rise of new power blocs, the assertiveness of China, the resurgence of Russian influence, and the evolving foreign policy orientation of African states.

The closure of the Dutch embassy in Bujumbura is particularly significant, given the Netherlands’ longstanding development cooperation with Burundi. While the letter acknowledges the political and development ties in the Great Lakes region, it notes that the country’s relative geopolitical weight and the scope for diplomatic influence were key considerations in the decision to close the mission.

Security and high operational costs were also factored into the closures of embassies in places like Juba and Tripoli. In these locations, mitigating security risks has become increasingly expensive and complex.

Despite the closures, the Netherlands intends to maintain its diplomatic presence through alternative structures. In Brazil, for instance, the Dutch network includes the embassy in Brasília and two Netherlands Business Support Offices (NBSOs), allowing for continued engagement even after the closure of the consulate-general in Rio de Janeiro. In Belgium, the proximity of the principal mission in Brussels will compensate for the Antwerp consulate’s closure.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasised that all closures will be carefully managed to ensure a smooth handover of responsibilities. Other Dutch embassies will assume co-accreditation for countries affected by the closures to maintain consular services and diplomatic relations.

Minister Veldkamp also hinted at the possibility of opening new missions in other parts of the world, including Syria, depending on future geopolitical developments. Details on additional closures and potential expansions are expected to be included in the ministry’s 2026 draft budget.

In a statement dated Friday, April 18, the Ministry of Justice announced that it had instructed both the Auditor General of the Armed Forces (FARDC) and the Prosecutor General at the Court of Cassation to initiate criminal proceedings against Kabila.

The ministry accuses Kabila of playing a direct role in the ongoing insurgency by the AFC/M23, which has, in recent months, resulted in the capture of strategic areas in eastern Congo, including the cities of Goma and Bukavu.

“In addition, the seizure of all the former Congolese Head of State’s movable and immovable assets has been ordered,” the statement reads.

Additionally, the Ministry of Justice has imposed movement restrictions on what it describes as Kabila’s “collaborators involved in this case of high treason against the Nation.”

The latest development follows Kabila’s recent visit to rebel-controlled Goma after his return to the DRC. The rebels seized the city in January, citing poor governance, ethnic cleansing, and the persecution of minority Kinyarwanda-speaking communities.

Kabila, who ruled the country from 2001 to 2019, had been living in exile in South Africa and Zimbabwe. His return came after he pledged to help address what he described as “serious security issues and challenges in all other sectors of national life.”

Kabila remains an influential figure in Congolese politics, with a loyal base of supporters across the country.

Recently, his wife, Olive Lembe, claimed she is being targeted by the country’s security agencies, following reports that security forces had raided the former president’s residence.

“It is persecution that we are suffering at the hands of the security services and this regime,” Lembe said in an interview with local media on Thursday, April 17.

“They are persecuting us and deliberately damaging the image of our activities.”

Addressing students and faculty of the Senior Command and Staff Course (SCSC), Intake 13, at RDF Headquarters in Kimihurura on Saturday, April 19, Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe emphasised that Rwanda’s national security continues to depend on the RDF’s enduring spirit of readiness and resilience.

“During his remarks, Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe emphasised the significance of the study tour, noting that it had provided students with vital insights and information for their research,” RDF said.

“He underscored that Rwanda’s national security relies on the RDF’s readiness, an enduring quality that defined RPA soldiers during the Liberation War. He urged students to preserve and uphold that legacy in the face of foreign interference and emerging threats.”

Gen (Rtd) Kabarebe made the remarks during a closing session of a five-day RPA Liberation War Study Tour.

The tour, which is part of the Military History Module, offered participants an immersive examination of key battles, strategic decisions, and operational challenges faced by RPA forces during the 1990–1994 war.

Participants visited historic sites and engaged in analytical sessions designed to draw tactical and strategic lessons from the Liberation War. Discussions centred on the early stages of the war, which began on October 1, 1990, in Kagitumba and traced major turning points throughout the campaign.

Students also interacted with RDF generals and senior officers, who shared firsthand accounts of planning, execution, and setbacks encountered during major operations. The discussions offered opportunities for critical engagement, allowing students to ask questions, clarify issues, and gain a deeper understanding of the planning and execution of key military operations.

The Senior Command and Staff Course is designed to prepare mid-level officers for higher command and strategic responsibilities within the RDF and beyond.

In a speech shared by the state-owned Uganda Broadcasting Corporation on Thursday, Museveni said Uganda already has alternative markets for its exports.

“Trump has put a tax, what shall we do? You have Africa, work on Africa,” Museveni said, emphasizing the continent’s vast geographic size and large population.

“In the next 30 years, the population of Africa will be the biggest in the world. It will be one quarter of the human race,” the president said.

Earlier, Odrek Rwabwogo, chairman of the Presidential Advisory Committee on Exports and Industrial Development, told local media that Uganda is already diversifying its export destinations, with promising prospects in Europe and Asia.

Britain has shown strong demand in the grain and coffee sectors, Rwabwogo said, adding that with Uganda Airlines set to launch flights to the European country this or next month, there are hopes of expanding market access for Ugandan products — not only coffee but also grains and bananas, which are already being exported there.

According to the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, total goods trade between the United States and Uganda reached 238.9 million U.S. dollars in 2024, with Uganda exporting 132.6 million dollars worth of goods to the United States and importing 106.3 million dollars.

The truce will start from 6:00 p.m. local time (1500 GMT) on Saturday and last until midnight on Sunday into Monday (2100 GMT on Sunday).

“I have ordered a complete cessation of hostilities during this period,” Putin was quoted by the Kremlin’s Telegram account as saying at a meeting with Russian Chief of the General Staff Valery Gerasimov.

Putin also noted that Russia hopes Ukraine will follow suit and cease hostilities during the period.

“Our armed forces must remain on high alert to repel possible ceasefire violations, provocations and any aggressive actions by the enemy,” the Russian president added.

By signing the WIFR Gender Charter on Thursday, April 17, the agency pledged to champion inclusivity not just within its ranks but across the ecosystem it helps shape.

Speaking during the signing ceremony, attended by Belinda Bwiza, WIFR Co-founder and CEO of One Acre Fund Rwanda, along with KIFC staff, CEO Nick Barigye emphasised that gender inclusivity is not just a moral obligation; it is a strategic imperative.

“Empowering women is not only the right thing to do. It is the smart thing to do for ourselves as a company and for our country,” Barigye said.

“Inclusivity brings innovation and ensures sustainability. If we want finance to be sustainable, it must be inclusive.”

Barigye called on KIFC staff to treat the moment as a launchpad for real action rather than a symbolic gesture.

“Let’s walk the talk,” he urged, reiterating that the partnership must translate into tangible mentorships, capacity building, and growth for all.

The statistics shared during the event painted a vivid picture. While women make up 48.2% of Rwanda’s labour force compared to men’s 65.6%, their presence in high-impact roles remains limited. In the private sector, only 32% of decision-making positions are held by women. Moreover, they are significantly underrepresented in higher-paying technical fields—limiting both their economic empowerment and influence on financial policy and innovation.

“Women are present in the workforce,” said Bwiza, “but they’re not rising in the ranks. In many institutions, they enter in large numbers, but disappear by the time you reach senior management.”

Bwiza highlighted the issue of “support roles” often assigned to women in senior positions, underscoring a weak pipeline that endangers long-term progress.

“You may see a woman CEO, but ask yourself: what’s behind her? If the pipeline is dry, that progress isn’t sustainable.”

Central to WIFR’s mission is evidence-based transformation. A key part of their agenda is bridging the data gap that hinders effective interventions. With support from stakeholders such as Access to Finance Rwanda (AFR), the National Bank of Rwanda (BNR), and the Rwanda Bankers Association, Bwiza noted that WIFR will soon conduct an in-depth study to map the current state of women in finance.

“If we understand the state of gender in our institutions,” Bwiza said, “then we can make systematic changes with clear targets. That’s what we’re advocating for.”

So far, 13 institutions have signed the WIFR Gender Charter, committing to transparent policies on diversity, equitable compensation, and inclusive governance structures. KIFC now joins this growing coalition. Some of the members include Bank of Kigali, BRD, NCBA Rwanda, Access to Finance Rwanda, EcoBank, I&M Bank, Umwalimu Sacco, Old Mutual Insurance, Coopedu, Mayfair, Sanlam and Zep-Re.

Among WIFR’s key initiatives is a newly launched mentorship programme promoting peer-to-peer learning. The goal is to create networks where young professionals can grow under the guidance of experienced women leaders. The programme, now in its first cohort, includes over 100 mentees and 30 mentors, with structured group mentoring sessions planned over nine months.

“Even mentors learn from these sessions,” Bwiza noted. “It’s a safe, empowering space where women can talk about workplace challenges, leadership, and personal growth.”

Additionally, WIFR partnered with the Chartered Institute of Securities and Investments (UK) to provide 50 scholarships to young women in finance. Notably, 50% of the recipients are under 30, pointing to a clear effort to develop the next generation of technical talent.

Both leaders agreed that signing the charter must be the beginning, not the end, of institutional reflection and transformation.

“Diagnose your institution,” urged Bwiza. “Where are you on this journey? What are your gaps? What commitments can you transparently make, and how can you track progress?”

Barigye echoed the sentiment, stressing that KIFC, as a sector coordinator, must model the very change it hopes to inspire across Rwanda’s financial landscape.

“Let’s be supportive,” he told staff. “This is about us, all of us. If we’re building a financial centre for the future, let’s build one that includes everyone.”

Many Wazalendo fighters and Burundian soldiers fled to Uvira territory after being pushed out of areas in South Kivu Province, including Bukavu city, by the AFC/M23.

The government-backed fighters had previously clashed with the Congolese army, accusing it of cowardice for avoiding combat and attempting to retreat to places like Kalemie in Tanganyika Province.

Wazalendo forces have recently been trying to launch offensives in areas controlled by AFC/M23, particularly in South Kivu, aiming to recapture lost territory. However, most of the attacks have failed, with Wazalendo being repelled almost immediately.

After a period of cooperation between Wazalendo and Burundian forces, a visit by Defence Minister Guy Kabombo Muadiamvita to Uvira on April 7, 2025, revealed the deteriorating relationship.

A Wazalendo leader told Minister Muadiamvita that whenever their fighters attempted to attack AFC/M23, the Burundian troops stopped them, even when the fighters believed they had a chance to win.

“We Wazalendo face many challenges on the battlefield. You are here with our leader and the regional commander, so tell us what the mission and purpose of the Burundian army in our country is. Every time we’re close to defeating the enemy in Kamanyola, the Burundians always tell us, ‘No, you’re not allowed to attack the enemy here,’” he said.

Minister Muadiamvita attempted to ease the tension, explaining that Burundi is an ally of the DRC. He said Burundian troops only prevent attacks on AFC/M23 because they have their own strategy and plans for combat, whether during the day or at night.

Wazalendo forces say they are the ones defending Uvira, warning that if they leave their positions, AFC/M23 would immediately seize the territory. This reflects a loss of faith in both Burundian and Congolese armies.

The coalition also highlighted challenges such as lack of adequate weapons, ammunition, and food, noting that “it’s hard to feed over 6,000 fighters.” They appealed to President Félix Tshisekedi to heed their pleas.

The revelations about Wazalendo’s dire conditions came after the group’s leader, Lt Gen. Padiri Bulenda David, was summoned to Kinshasa for undisclosed reasons.