The court issued the directive on Thursday, June 19, after rejecting Ingabire’s account of her alleged role in a training program said to have involved former members of DALFA-Umurinzi.
According to the prosecution, the training was aimed at inciting the public against the government and mobilising support for regime change.
In her defence, Ingabire told the court that those accused in the case were former DALFA-Umurinzi members, with the exception of journalist Nsengimana Théoneste, the founder of Umubavu media channel. She, however, denied that the trainings were organised by her party or that she had any knowledge of them.
Following her testimony, the court examined whether her explanation was sufficient to rule out suspicion of criminal activity. It concluded that her statements were inadequate and that the case file contains incriminating evidence against her.
The court found it necessary for the prosecution to conduct a thorough investigation into Ingabire’s involvement before she is formally brought before the court.
As directed, the investigation will take two weeks, after which Ingabire will be presented to the court.
Developed by Gilead Sciences, Yeztugo (generic name: lenacapavir) is the first and only pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) option administered just twice per year, offering a highly effective and potentially transformative tool in curbing HIV transmission.
The approval follows remarkable results from two Phase 3 clinical trials, PURPOSE 1 and PURPOSE 2, in which Yeztugo demonstrated near-complete protection against HIV.
In the PURPOSE 1 study among cisgender women in sub-Saharan Africa, not a single participant who received Yeztugo contracted HIV. In the PURPOSE 2 trial, which enrolled cisgender men and gender-diverse individuals, 99.9% of those given Yeztugo remained HIV negative, with only two infections reported among over 2,100 participants.
“This is the single best opportunity in 44 years of HIV prevention,” said Mitchell Warren, executive director of the HIV advocacy nonprofit AVAC.
Gilead’s CEO, Daniel O’Day, called the approval “historic,” emphasising that Yeztugo could help “end the HIV epidemic once and for all.”
Yeztugo works by blocking HIV’s ability to infect and replicate inside immune cells. Its long-acting formula only requires administration twice a year, solving one of the most persistent barriers to effective PrEP use: daily adherence.
Older PrEP medications, such as Truvada and Descovy, both oral pills taken daily, have shown over 99% effectiveness when used consistently, but real-world adherence has been uneven, particularly among at-risk populations.
The new drug arrives at a pivotal moment. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), only about one-third of eligible individuals in the U.S. are currently prescribed any form of PrEP.
Usage is especially low among Black, Latino, and Southern populations, groups disproportionately impacted by HIV. Experts believe Yeztugo’s simplified dosing schedule may help reduce these disparities if access is widespread.
However, challenges remain. At a list price of $14,109 per injection, affordability and insurance coverage will be critical. While Gilead has committed to offering co-pay assistance for insured patients and free medication for eligible uninsured individuals, barriers like high out-of-pocket costs and complex insurance authorisations could restrict uptake.
Adding to concerns is the political climate. The Trump administration’s proposed 2026 budget seeks to slash domestic HIV funding by 35%, including eliminating the CDC’s HIV-prevention division. Experts warn that such cuts could undermine the infrastructure needed to deliver Yeztugo to the populations who need it most.
Dr. Carlos del Rio of Emory University said Yeztugo “could greatly address key barriers like adherence and stigma,” but emphasised the importance of equitable access. “We must ensure it reaches those most vulnerable to HIV.”
Gilead has submitted applications for approval in other countries, including South Africa, Brazil, and EU member states, with the goal of global rollout.
While there is still no cure for HIV or AIDS, the FDA’s approval of Yeztugo brings the U.S. one step closer to controlling the epidemic, with science, strategy, and equitable implementation all playing vital roles.
Slated for June 28–29, 2025, the event promises good vibes, hot mixes, and unforgettable moments—but strictly for the 20-and-over revellers.
According to promotional posters, the concert will be off-limits to anyone under the age of 20.
Speaking to IGIHE, DJ Marnaud explained the age restriction is all about ensuring safety and comfort, as the venue is outside of Kigali and will require attendees to stay overnight.
“We’re keeping it grown and responsible,” he said. “Since it’s outside the city and people will need to sleep over, we felt it was important to limit access to adults only.”
The weekend lineup features more than just DJ Marnaud behind the decks. Crowd-favourite DJ Toxxyk will be joining the party, along with Tanzanian rising star Assumanii, better known on the scene as DJ Allybi.
And the music won’t stop there. Once the Lake Muhazi party winds down, DJ Marnaud and DJ Toxxyk will dive straight into preparations for the highly anticipated Toxxyk Xperience, set to electrify Rubavu on July 4, 2025.
The matter was recently raised in the Senate, where the Ministry of Local Government (MINALOC) addressed concerns regarding residents of islands such as Nkombo, Gihaya, Ishywa, and Bugarura—some of whom are the third generation born on Rwandan territory but lack official identification.
“Some of them have married Rwandans in unrecognised unions, and their children were born here, yet they are still not officially recognised as citizens,” said Marie Solange Kayisire, Minister of State in MINALOC.
She confirmed that the government has collected all required documentation and that those who meet legal requirements will be granted citizenship under the existing nationality law.
Priority will be given to individuals married to Rwandan citizens and those eligible under the 2022 Ministerial Order on nationality.
Rwanda has 148 islands in various lakes, of which only 15 are currently inhabited. Some islands are being depopulated due to safety concerns or inaccessibility, with communities from areas like Ruzi, Muzira, and Tereri being relocated to the mainland to access better public services.
Kayisire added that beyond legal recognition, the government is investing in infrastructure, education, and healthcare to improve living conditions for island communities.
The Senate Committee on Social Affairs and Human Rights recently toured several islands as part of a broader oversight mission linked to Rwanda’s NST2 development strategy (2024–2029).
“Citizenship is not just a legal matter; it’s a door to opportunity, dignity, and inclusion,” said Senator Adrie Umuhire, who chairs the committee.
Rwanda offers multiple paths to citizenship, including by birth, marriage, or long-term residence. Applicants are required to provide documentation such as birth certificates and residency records. The law also allows humanitarian exemptions, with some application fees waived for vulnerable individuals.
Ingabire denied allegations of organising training sessions that prosecutors allege were used to develop the plan.
She gave her testimony on Wednesday, June 19, 2025, after being summoned by the court to provide clarifications related to the case.
Prosecutors accuse the defendants of forming or joining a criminal group, conspiring to commit crimes against the state, inciting public unrest, defying the rule of law, and engaging in unlawful protest activities.
The prosecution alleges that training sessions aimed at toppling the current government were held, involving Rwandans living abroad, including a person named Assumpta, alias “Peppino”, and members of DALFA-Umurinzi.
The court summoned Ingabire after her name was repeatedly mentioned in the case file.
At the start of the hearing, the judge asked Ingabire how DALFA-Umurinzi had organised the training and what role she played. She replied that the party, founded in late 2019, never organised such training for its members because it was effectively inactive at the time.
She explained that by 2020, she had ceased recruiting new members and that DALFA-Umurinzi existed for only two months.
“DALFA existed for two months. We were prohibited from recruiting members, so we stopped,” she said.
“I was surprised to hear people say training was held under the party’s framework in 2021, yet we never organised any.”
When asked if she knew the accused as members of DALFA-Umurinzi, she acknowledged they were party affiliates, except for journalist Nsengimana Théoneste, with whom she had planned to collaborate on media coverage during “Ingabire Day.”
“Journalist Nsengimana Théoneste and I were discussing a program we were supposed to do, but it had not yet taken place,” Ingabire stated.
She explained that “Ingabire Day” was an annual event with a specific theme each year, and it should not be associated with the alleged training sessions.
The judge asked her what she knew about plans to overthrow the government without using force. She responded, “I can’t speak on things I’ve never studied. I’d be lying.”
Her lawyer, Me Gatera Gashabana, told the court that Ingabire had no role in organising the training sessions and that there was no evidence linking her to them.
However, the prosecution argued that Ingabire and Sibomana Sylvain, a former coordinator of DALFA-Umurinzi, had discussed the training and were aware of its intent, asserting that Ingabire was monitoring the activities even though she denies any involvement.
The prosecution further said that the training sessions aimed to teach participants strategies to delegitimise the government by making citizens feel disrespected, abused, and unlawfully detained.
They added that the sessions and “Ingabire Day” served as public mobilisation tools that could help advance the group’s objective.
The court was expected to decide by 2 p.m. on June 19 whether Ingabire’s explanations were sufficient to excuse her from further proceedings or if further investigation was warranted.
The approval comes after the FIA accepted final design proposals that will elevate the circuit from Grade 2 to Grade 1, the standard required to host Formula One.
The announcement was made on Wednesday by Toby Venter, owner of the Kyalami circuit, who hailed the development as a “defining moment for South African motorsport”.
“Today, we turn the page to a bold new chapter for Kyalami. We are ready for the return of Formula 1 to African soil,” Venter said during a press conference.
“When we acquired Kyalami in 2014, we made a commitment to restore it as a world-class venue and a beacon for motorsport across the continent. The FIA’s acceptance of our Grade 1 design is a major step forward in that journey.”
The circuit has been given a three-year window to complete the necessary upgrades, though work will only proceed if Kyalami is officially selected to host a Formula One race.
Clive Bowen, founder and director of UK-based Apex Circuit Design — the firm overseeing the upgrades — described the changes as a “light-touch upgrade in engineering terms,” saying they would bring the already excellent circuit in line with modern F1 requirements.
Kyalami, located just north of Johannesburg, hosted 21 South African Grands Prix before falling off the calendar in 1993. With Africa currently the only continent absent from Formula One’s 24-race global calendar, there has been growing pressure to reintroduce a race on the continent.
Kyalami is competing with two other proposed circuits, including one planned for construction in Rwanda and another that South Africa intends to build in Cape Town.
While the packaging has been updated to reflect a more modern, premium, and refreshing feel, one thing remains unchanged: the beer inside. Amstel continues to deliver the same smooth, high-quality taste, brewed with 100% Pure Malt.
“The new look is a celebration of Amstel’s commitment to quality and authenticity,” said Martine Gatabazi, Marketing Director at Bralirwa. “We wanted to give consumers a more refined and modern visual experience, while reassuring them that the taste they trust remains exactly the same.”
The refreshed design features cleaner lines enhanced red and white colors, and an updated label that proudly communicates Amstel’s 100% Pure Malt quality credentials. The transition to the new packaging will roll out nationwide beginning June 18th.
In the spirit of Amstel, the new look invites consumers to share more meaningful moments with friends, whether over a casual catch-up or a lively gathering. Amstel continues to be the beer that brings people together.
As always, Amstel reminds consumers to enjoy responsibly and celebrate friendship with moderation and style.
The negotiations culminated in both delegations initialling a landmark peace agreement, laying the groundwork for a formal signing ceremony scheduled for June 27, to be witnessed by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
“Proud to lead three days of peace talks, which resulted in the initialling of the peace agreement by delegations from the DRC and Rwanda,” Boulos wrote on X.
“Together, we’re working toward achieving lasting peace and stability in the region.”
U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Allison Hooker, who also participated in the negotiations, praised the outcome, noting that the agreement builds on the Declaration of Principles signed on April 25 under the auspices of Secretary Rubio.
“This week’s talks built on momentum following the April 25 signing… We look forward to the Ministerial signing of the peace agreement in Washington on June 27 and subsequent timely implementation,” Hooker stated.
The comprehensive accord includes key provisions aimed at fostering lasting stability and cooperation between the two nations.
These include commitments to respect territorial integrity, a prohibition on hostilities, and measures for the disengagement, disarmament, and conditional integration of non-state armed groups.
Additionally, the agreement establishes a Joint Security Coordination Mechanism, incorporating the Concept of Operations (CONOPS) outlined on October 31, 2024.
Beyond security, the Peace Agreement prioritises humanitarian and economic objectives. It facilitates the safe return of refugees and internally displaced persons, ensures humanitarian access, and lays the foundation for a regional economic integration framework to promote shared prosperity.
The negotiations benefited from close coordination between the United States and Qatar, with Qatari representatives participating to align their complementary peace initiatives.
Both the DRC and Rwanda expressed gratitude for the pivotal roles played by the U.S. and Qatar in advancing dialogue and fostering a peaceful resolution.
The peace process had faced delays earlier this month. Rwanda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Olivier Nduhungirehe, clarified via social media on June 14 that the original June 15 date for signing had been delayed due to the complexities of ongoing negotiations. He emphasised the need for a “comprehensive, realistic and win-win” agreement.
In a detailed briefing to the UN Human Rights Council on June 16, Türk revealed that Congolese soldiers, alongside members of the pro-government Wazalendo militia, have engaged in killings, rapes, and looting during military operations, particularly in North and South Kivu provinces.
The abuses have occurred amid the Congolese army’s offensives against M23 rebels and other armed groups.
“Congolese soldiers and members of the DRC-backed Wazalendo militia killed, raped, and looted,” said Türk, citing preliminary findings from an ongoing fact-finding mission.
He expressed concern over a “complete disregard” for the protection of civilians during and after combat, particularly during the battle for Goma in late January, where command structures reportedly collapsed as army units retreated.
Türk’s statements follow months of warnings from human rights groups about atrocities committed by Congolese forces and their militia allies. On May 23, Human Rights Watch (HRW) documented widespread abuses by Wazalendo fighters in South Kivu, including attacks on Banyamulenge villages near Bibokoboko in early March.
Witnesses said the fighters targeted civilians based on ethnicity, declaring Banyamulenge to be “Rwandan” and vowing to “clean them out.”
“They killed seven people and destroyed homes, health centres, and schools,” a local community leader told HRW.
The UN’s findings put further scrutiny on President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration, which has formed alliances with numerous militias, including the FDLR, accused of involvement in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, to bolster its military campaign in the east.
Analysts and activists have raised alarm over the government’s apparent weaponisation of anti-Tutsi sentiment to justify violence against Congolese Tutsi communities under the pretext of fighting M23.
Despite the gravity of the allegations, Kinshasa has publicly celebrated the UN’s decision in February to establish an independent investigative mechanism into atrocities in the east. Government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya praised the resolution on X, but critics say the administration has tried to downplay or deny war crimes committed by its own forces.
Civil society groups and international observers are now questioning whether President Tshisekedi will be held accountable for what they describe as a campaign of ethnic persecution and possible crimes against humanity.
From the Bandung Conference in 1955 to today’s China-Africa cooperation frameworks, the relationship has evolved beyond symbolism into one of measurable impact. The question now is not whether Africa and China need each other, but rather why they must stand together more firmly than ever.
The recently concluded Ministerial Conference of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), held in Changsha, Hunan Province, in June 2025, served as a critical reaffirmation of this strategic alliance.
It brought together over 700 African participants, including 111 ministerial officials, three national leaders, 77 ministers, and 33 foreign ministers.
“I think that is the reason for the high attendance and high-level representation at the Changsha meeting,” said Du Xiaohui, Director of the African Affairs Department at China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, speaking to visiting journalists in Beijing on June 18, 2025.
“Because of the changes in the international landscape, the biggest source of instability has made everyone realise that there is a necessity for the global South, and for China and Africa, to send a message of solidarity,” he added.
This message was clearly articulated in the Changsha Declaration, a document which framed solidarity through four key messages: the severity of global challenges, their root causes, a shared vision of cooperation, and a commitment to action.
One such action is unilateral. “We are not seeking reciprocity from African countries,” said Du. “We are unilaterally granting the treatment to African products.”
Africans being given a fish or taught how to fish?
The numbers speak for themselves: Africa is not merely a passive recipient of Chinese aid. It is an increasingly active partner shaping its own destiny. Since the 2024 Beijing Summit, China has committed 360 billion yuan to Africa over three years.
So far, nearly 150 billion yuan—roughly 40 percent—has already been disbursed. In the first quarter of 2025 alone, China-Africa trade reached USD 72.6 billion, an increase of 2.7 percent.
Infrastructure tells an even more compelling story. China has helped Africa build and upgrade more than 100,000 kilometres of roads and 10,000 kilometres of railways. Over 1.1 million jobs have been created in just three years.
Additional investments include 13.38 billion yuan in new ventures, 55.45 billion yuan in infrastructure financing, and 40.57 billion yuan in credit to African financial institutions.
Rwanda, for instance, has emerged as a standout partner. The country has signed multiple cooperation frameworks with China, from Belt and Road agreements to partnerships in digital education and green development.
China has dispatched medical teams, constructed solar power stations, and helped set up vocational training centres. More importantly, Rwanda has leveraged these tools to fuel its transformation, from developing local manufacturing to becoming a regional leader in digital innovation. Clearly, the fishing rod is being used.
At the heart of this partnership lies a response to global inequities. In recent years, some Western countries have imposed sweeping tariffs—even on Least Developed Countries—and implemented restrictive immigration and remittance policies.
These actions, Du warned, “will cause a decrease of 0.4% in the GDP of African countries” and risk returning the world “to a system governed by the law of the jungle, where the strong prey on the weak.”
Against this backdrop, China’s gestures take on deeper meaning. President Xi Jinping’s message to the Changsha meeting announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment for 100 percent of tariff lines to 53 African countries, covering both LDCs and non-LDCs.
“This is not a restriction,” said Du. “It is China’s effort in carefully reviewing domestic and international procedures—a method we have developed, something we must do.”
To date, 27 African countries have signed the Comprehensive Agreement on Deepening Economic Partnership Agreement (CATIPA) with China—essentially a modern, high-standard free trade deal. It not only lowers tariffs but also eases non-tariff barriers such as customs clearance, market access, and quality inspections.
Beyond trade, the partnership is expanding into green industries, artificial intelligence, e-commerce, payment systems, and even rule-of-law and security frameworks.
“People say that Africa is lagging behind in technology, but we don’t think so,” said Du. “China is ready to make China’s opportunities the opportunities of Africa.”
Why do Africa and China need to stand firmly together? Because in a world increasingly fractured by power politics, rising protectionism, and climate emergencies, the two sides offer each other something rare: mutual respect, real results, and a shared vision.
From zero-tariff commitments to cooperation in AI, the partnership is no longer about aid or dependency—it’s about rebalancing global power.
As Du put it: “We are ready to work with our African friends to be personally involved in and contribute to higher-quality cooperation between our two sides.”
![Du Xiaohui [right], addressing journalists in Beijing, emphasized that China’s cooperation with Africa is not about reciprocity, but about long-term partnership.](https://en.igihe.com/IMG/jpg/du_xiaohui_right_addressing_journalists_in_beijing_emphasized_that_china_s_cooperation_with_africa_is_not_about_reciprocity_but_about_long-term_partnership.jpg)