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The presiding Judge Singizi Douglas expressed grave concerns about Besigye’s condition, stating, “If a prisoner is sick, I can’t continue with him. He might faint.”
Besigye, who has been on a hunger strike for several days protesting his detention, appeared visibly frail in court. Despite mounting public pressure and his worsening health, state authorities have maintained his detention.
His wife, Winnie Byanyima, has previously highlighted the severity of his health issues, noting that his kidneys are showing signs of damage.
The opposition leader’s continued incarceration has ignited widespread protests across the nation, with supporters in Mbarara, Bushenyi, Kasese, Rukungiri and Kampala taking to the streets to demand for his immediate release.
In response to the court’s decision, Besigye’s legal team has filed for an immediate release order, arguing that his prolonged imprisonment without adequate medical care constitutes a violation of his fundamental rights.
As tensions escalate, security forces have established a heavy presence around the courthouse, anticipating potential demonstrations from his supporters.
Human rights organizations and international observers are closely monitoring the situation, emphasizing the critical need for the judiciary to address the health and human rights concerns surrounding his detention.
But after being taken to the civilian court, the judge has stated that the hearing couldn’t proceed stating that Besigye would have collapsed.
This was after it was reported that Besigye went on a hunger strike 7 days ago to protest his prolonged detention after he was allegedly abducted from Nairobi, Kenya, in November 2024 and whisked back to Uganda.
He and his aide Mr. Obeid Lutale who was arrested with him, were later produced before the General Court Martial in Makindye where they were subsequently charged with illegal possession of firearms.
This is happening at the same time when President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has called upon Ugandans to ask themselves why Besigye was arrested.
According to the reports given by Museveni, Ugandans have been asking the wrong questions.
In a recent interview with Jeune Afrique, President Kagame remarked that Belgium has been a key player in fueling insecurity in the region but continues to ignore its own involvement.
“There is a serious issue of dishonesty among those who should have helped solve this crisis. There are countries like Belgium which have a historical responsibility and are part of this problem,” he said.
Belgium, a former colonial power in Rwanda, played a significant role in defining the country’s borders with its neighbors.
Throughout the years of the conflict between the M23 rebel group and the Congolese army coalition, Belgium has sided with the DRC instead of supporting peace negotiations. It has also openly criticized Rwanda, accusing it of backing M23.
“They keep repeating the same thing, everything is Rwanda’s fault. How can you solve such a complex issue by blaming the victims? Kagame questioned.
President Kagame also slammed other European nations refuse to acknowledge their involvement, despite the presence of mercenaries from their countries fighting in eastern DRC.
” You all know that there are mercenaries from Europe. These mercenaries are not from elsewhere, yet no European country has ever admitted their nationals are involved in this conflict. They talk about everything else but never address that fact,” he added.
In late January, over 280 mercenaries surrendered and were repatriated through Rwanda. Reports indicate that since 2022, more than 1,000 foreign mercenaries have been fighting alongside the Congolese army against M23 in eastern DRC.
Due to Belgium’s stance on the issue, Rwanda announced on February 18, 2025, that it was terminating a cooperation agreement with Belgium that was set to last until 2029.
{{How did Rwandan land end up becoming part of the DRC?}}
During the Berlin Conference held between November 15, 1884 to February 26, 1885 that divided Africa among European powers, Germany, Britain, and Belgium were the main colonial players in East Africa.
Germany created “German East Africa,” which included Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanganyika. Belgium, on the other hand, controlled territories west of Rwanda, while Britain colonized Uganda and Kenya to the north.
On May 14, 1910, a meeting was held in Belgium to resolve a territorial dispute among the colonial powers. It included Belgian administrators in Congo, German colonial rulers of Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanganyika, as well as British officials overseeing Uganda and Kenya.
As a result of this conference, between 1910 and 1912, new borders were drawn, using natural features such as the Virunga Mountains, Akanyaru River, Akagera River, and Lake Kivu as demarcations. This significantly reduced Rwanda’s territory.
A total of 124,553 square kilometers of Rwandan land was annexed to Congo, including parts of South Kivu and North Kivu. Another 17,715 square kilometers were incorporated into Uganda. This left Rwanda with a much smaller landmass of 26,338 square kilometers.
Unlike the Belgians, who sought to expand their colonies, the Germans were less concerned about territorial reductions, as their primary interest was economic development in the regions they controlled.
This historical partition explains why many Rwandans live in neighboring countries today. Their ancestral lands were taken by colonial powers, and they continue to face marginalization, despite having deep-rooted ties to those territories.
On February 16, 2025, M23 confirmed that it had seized Bukavu after driving out soldiers from the Congolese government forces coalition. Since then, M23 fighters have been searching for remaining armed individuals in hiding and clashing with troops who had retreated to the southeastern outskirts of the city.
As of February 18, 2025, M23 had taken control of the Congolese side of the Kamanyola border, which connects the DRC and Rwanda, after ousting fighters from the Wazalendo armed coalition.
Reports indicate that Burundian troops, who have been a major support force for the Congolese army, have begun withdrawing from the conflict and returning to Bujumbura. Reuters reported this development, citing four sources, including a military officer, UN personnel, and a diplomat.
M23 continues to advance southward, appearing to head toward Uvira Territory. The group has already captured Mumosho and Nya-Ngezi in Walungu Territory.
South Kivu province consists of eight territories, covering an area of 64,000 square kilometers. M23 has now gained control of three, Kalehe, Kabare, and Walungu.
The three-year agreement, which can be extended, was signed on February 17, 2025, at Chancen International’s headquarters in Kigali.
This partnership will provide students with the opportunity to have their tuition covered for three years, with repayment expected only after they secure employment.
Initially, Chancen International will sponsor 300 students enrolled at ICK for the academic year beginning in March 2025. These students will be admitted to programs in Science and Development, Communication and Journalism, and Education.
Ross Nathan, the CEO of Chancen International, expressed his enthusiasm about the partnership with ICK, highlighting the university’s rural location as a key advantage for students from underserved communities, who are the primary focus of Chancen’s mission.
“Promoting education, especially for girls, is crucial. A country that wants to develop must have inclusive education. When you look at sectors like banking, media, and construction, there are still very few women. We must put in more effort,” he stated.
Fr. Prof. Fidèle Dushimimana, the Vice-Chancellor of ICK, emphasized that the university’s motivation for partnering with Chancen International lies in its dedication to supporting students who struggle to afford higher education.
“We are always delighted when we find organizations willing to cover the cost of education. That’s why we continuously seek partners who can assist,” he said.
Chancen International, originally from Germany, has its headquarters in Rwanda and also operates in other African countries, including Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa.
The organization funds students through an Income Share Agreement (ISA), a financing model where students repay their tuition after gaining employment.
To date, Chancen International has funded over 3,000 students in Rwanda. Beneficiaries are selected in collaboration with university administrations based on applications and financial need, ensuring that support reaches those who need it most.
He made these remarks in a brief interview with IGIHE on February 18, 2025, following the Rwanda government’s announcement that it had suspended its development cooperation with Belgium.
The decision came after Belgium aligned itself with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in a campaign aimed at pressuring international organizations to cut development aid to Rwanda.
When asked whether the suspension of cooperation with Belgium could negatively impact Rwanda, Nduhungirehe was resolute.
“There is no cause for concern. Activities will continue, and Rwanda’s development will progress without Belgium. Belgium joined the Congolese government in an attempt to halt the aid Rwanda was receiving, even lobbying international organizations to cut support to our country.”
Belgium has often played a double game, one moment appearing to support Rwanda in various development projects, only to turn around and collaborate with the DRC in efforts to isolate Rwanda on the international stage.
In an interview with the national broadcaster, RBA, Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, Alain Mukuralinda, stated that Rwanda had been aware of Belgium’s actions and had exercised patience, but the situation had persisted.
“You cannot claim to have a cooperation agreement with a country and then secretly lobby others to suspend their support due to political disagreements. Development issues should not be entangled with politics or used as a bargaining tool.”
When asked whether Rwanda had engaged in discussions with Belgium before making this decision, Mukuralinda confirmed that such measures are never taken without prior dialogue.
He expressed disappointment that Belgium had ignored Rwanda’s security concerns, particularly regarding Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese who are being persecuted in the DRC. Instead, Belgium continued to back the Congolese government, which insists on resolving the conflict through military force.
“Belgium has the right to choose its path, but using cooperation agreements as leverage while disregarding Rwanda’s security concerns is unacceptable.”
Recently, both the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) agreed that direct dialogue between the DRC and M23 was the only viable solution to lasting peace.
This position was also endorsed by the African Union. However, Mukuralinda noted that Belgium’s actions were undermining this peace process.
“Everyone agrees that the issue should be resolved through negotiations and diplomacy. Rwanda has raised concerns about the FDLR, and agreements have been made to dismantle this group, yet Belgium does not support these efforts.”
“All international organizations have urged the DRC to negotiate with M23, yet the Congolese government refuses and insists on solving the issue through war. Any country that supports this stance is undermining the broader peace process.”
Regarding the potential impact of Rwanda’s decision to cut ties with Belgium, Mukuralinda stated that Rwanda will not trade its national security or sovereignty for foreign aid.
In a recent interview with Jeune Afrique, President Paul Kagame was asked about Belgium and other countries threatening to cut aid or impose sanctions on Rwanda. He dismissed these threats, asserting that the same countries are responsible for fueling the conflict in eastern DRC.
“Some of these countries, like Belgium and Germany, which were former colonial rulers, are trying to intimidate us with sanctions simply because I am defending my country’s rights. Do they think they can scare me? Let me be clear: if I must choose between compromising our security and facing sanctions, I would rather take up arms to defend my nation than bow to their threats,” he said.
President Kagame further highlighted Belgium’s inconsistency and failure to acknowledge historical injustices. He reminded the world that Rwanda had endured difficult times in 1994, and thus, no amount of threats would deter its path forward.
The withdrawal comes in the wake of M23’s capture of Goma in late January and its subsequent takeover of Bukavu, further solidifying the group’s presence in eastern Congo.
Sources from the Burundian army and the United Nations confirmed the retreat, with military trucks carrying Burundian troops seen crossing back into the country. “Burundian troops are leaving the DRC. Several trucks filled with soldiers arrived yesterday,” a military officer revealed.
Burundi’s forces had initially entered eastern Congo to combat Burundian rebel groups but later took on a broader role, joining Congolese forces and allied militias against M23.
Despite reinforcements, Burundian troops struggled against the well-organized rebels and ultimately began their withdrawal after repeated losses.
Burundi was part of a coalition that included the Congolese army, the Wazalendo militia, the FDLR, composed of Rwandan genocidal elements, SADC forces, and European mercenaries.
However, M23’s battlefield successes have disrupted these alliances, leaving Kinshasa’s strategy in disarray.
The military pact between Burundian President Évariste Ndayishimiye and Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi, which saw over 12,000 Burundian troops deployed to North Kivu, has also come under scrutiny.
Reports indicate that Tshisekedi paid Ndayishimiye $2 million for this intervention, sparking discontent among Burundian military officers who questioned the true motives behind the deployment.
Meanwhile, human rights organizations have accused Burundian forces, along with their Congolese allies, of committing atrocities against Congolese Tutsi civilians.
As the conflict escalates, the international community is closely monitoring the situation, with growing concerns over the humanitarian crisis unfolding in the region.
AFC/M23’s political spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, told The New Times that the surrendered DRC soldiers were victims of President Félix Tshisekedi’s regime.
“They are Congolese who were being used by Tshisekedi and his allies. They are civilians, they are Congolese, and they are victims of Tshisekedi and his government,” speaking from Bukavu, a city recently taken over by the group, Kanyuka stated.
He emphasized that M23 has no issue integrating them into their forces, as they are fellow Congolese who share the same goal of liberating the country from oppression. Before officially joining M23’s ranks in North Kivu, these former government soldiers underwent training.
Kanyuka called on the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) to assess the real situation in the DRC and understand why armed resistance emerged in the first place. He highlighted the ongoing massacres of Kinyarwanda-speaking Tutsi communities, which the Congolese government ignores.
“They need to come and see for themselves what is happening, how Tshisekedi is destroying this country, spreading hate speech, and leading a government riddled with corruption. How can he continue killing our people while the world watches and then expect us not to defend ourselves?” Kanyuka questioned.
“We are not fighting to attack the Congolese government. We are fighting to defend ourselves, our families, and civilians who are being slaughtered every day. The world should help us,” he added.
Kanyuka urged SADC and Burundian forces to withdraw from the DRC instead of reinforcing Tshisekedi’s regime, which he accused of promoting ethnic-based ideology and persecution.
On February 13, 2025, ARC/M23 military leader Gen. Maj. Sultani Makenga visited the captured DRC soldiers, who agreed to fight alongside M23 to overthrow President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration.
At that time, the soldiers were undergoing training at the Rumangabo military camp in Rutshuru Territory, North Kivu.
Makenga explained to them how Tshisekedi’s government was looting the country, committing murders, abductions, and ethnic persecution. He assured them that ARC/M23 was committed to liberating the people, and the soldiers pledged to support their cause and defend Congolese civilians from government oppression.
Despite the DRC government’s alliance with armed groups such as the FDLR, responsible for the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, as well as Wazalendo, foreign troops from Burundi, SADC, and mercenaries, M23 has continued to repel their advances and reclaim territory.
Some foreign mercenaries who surrendered to M23 were allowed safe passage back to their countries through Rwanda. Malawi recently announced plans to withdraw its troops from the DRC, and reports suggest that Burundian forces have also begun retreating.
In a statement released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation on February 18, 2025, Rwanda accused Belgium of leading an aggressive campaign alongside the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) to block Rwanda’s access to development finance, including funds from multilateral institutions.
“Belgium has made a political decision to choose a side in this conflict, which is its right, but politicizing development is plainly wrong,” the statement reads.
The government emphasized that no country in the region should have its development finance weaponized as a tool of political leverage. It warned that punitive, one-sided measures undermine the African Union (AU)-led mediation efforts to resolve the ongoing crisis in Eastern DRC.
“These efforts demonstrate that there is no longer a sound basis for development cooperation with Belgium. Accordingly, Rwanda is suspending the remainder of the 2024-2029 bilateral aid program,” the statement continued.
{{“Rwanda will not be bullied”}}
“Rwanda will not be bullied or blackmailed into compromising national security. Our only aim is a secure border and an irreversible end to the politics of violent ethnic extremism in our region.”
The government also criticized the failure of the DRC and the international community to dismantle the UN-sanctioned genocidal FDLR militia, which has operated in the region for decades.
“Rwanda needs peace and a durable solution. No one should continue to tolerate the cycles of conflict that persist due to the failure of the DRC Government and the international community to fulfill their commitments,” the statement added.
Rwanda reaffirmed its commitment to accountability in the use of development funds, insisting that its partnerships must be based on mutual respect and maintained that full support to the AU/EAC/SADC mediation is essential during these difficult moments for our region.
“Development partnerships must be based on mutual respect, and Rwanda has made it a point to ensure maximum accountability for all the funding we receive, a fact that no partner has questioned.”
