In a meeting with representatives of various political parties in Rwanda on February 25, 2025, Kabarebe explained that the Congolese president made this decision after betraying members of the M23 rebel group who had traveled to Kinshasa to negotiate for peace in eastern DRC. Tshisekedi had promised to work with them in 2019.
“By 2021, Tshisekedi promised he was going to find a solution for Kivu and declared a state of emergency, a wartime condition. He sacked all civilian leaders in Kivu, including Governors and replaced them with military officials. While people were confused about the reason, he was actually preparing for war. What he called bringing peace to Kivu was, in reality, preparation for war,” Kabarebe said.
He clarified that the M23 fighters who went to negotiate in Kinshasa did not come from Rwanda but had been residing in Bihanga military camp in Uganda, where they kept their weapons.
“They entered Uganda, where they were taken to Bihanga military camp. Their weapons were not confiscated. Bihanga is about two and a half hours from here,” he noted.
He explained that while President Tshisekedi promised to collaborate with M23 fighters, he refused President Paul Kagame’s request to dismantle the FDLR, a genocidal armed group operating in eastern DRC.
This refusal had dire consequences for Rwanda. In October 2019, RUD-Urunana, a subsidiary of the FDLR, attacked Musanze district, killing 14 civilians. This attack highlighted the persistent threat posed by the FDLR, which has long sought to destabilize Rwanda from its bases in eastern DRC near the border.
Kabarebe also explained that when M23 resumed fighting the Congolese army (FARDC) in November 2021, they did not come from Rwanda but were based on Mount Sabyinyo, located at the DRC-Uganda border.
As M23 continued to defeat FARDC, the DRC government made a strategic error by collaborating with mercenaries and rebuilding the FDLR despite its genocidal ideology.
“Some may wonder where the strength of the FDLR comes from. Their strength lies in their genocidal ideology. Regardless of their numbers, as long as they uphold this ideology, they remain a significant threat,” he elaborated.
Kabarebe criticized the international community for its inaction despite consistent reports from UN experts confirming FARDC’s collaboration with the FDLR and identifying officers involved in these dealings.
“The international community cannot claim innocence in the crisis in eastern DRC. Every year, UN experts report that FARDC works with the FDLR and even provide the names of collaborating officers,” he stated.
{{SAMIDRC’s involvement in the conflict}}
Kabarebe also highlighted that the DRC government invited troops from South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) mission known as SAMIDRC to support its fight against M23.
The UN Security Council authorized MONUSCO to provide technical and logistical assistance to SAMIDRC.
He recalled that these same countries were part of the Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) that expelled M23 in 2013, forcing them to seek refuge in Uganda. This time, however, these SADC countries joined the DRC despite being aware of its collaboration with the FDLR.
“The same countries that comprised FIB in 2013, South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, are now part of SAMIDRC in 2024. The question is, did these countries know they were joining an alliance with the FDLR? Yes, they knew. They came to support both Tshisekedi and the FDLR,” he asserted.
He further accused SAMIDRC of participating in Tshisekedi and Burundian President Evariste Ndayishimiye’s alleged plan to overthrow the Rwandan government, a threat Rwanda has not taken lightly by strengthening its defensive measures.
“Rwanda has never attacked Congo or planned to do so. Our priority is self-defense against those who have publicly declared their intent to attack us,” he affirmed.
{{International community’s self-interest}}
Kabarebe criticized the international community for shifting the blame onto Rwanda due to M23’s military successes against FARDC, even contemplating sanctions against her.
“The international community’s response to M23’s victories has been to blame Rwanda. M23’s issue was never Rwanda’s, but they insist on making it our responsibility. Even when sanctions are imposed by the US or the EU, they target Rwanda as if it were our problem,” he noted.
He accused the international community of deliberately preserving the FDLR to use it as a tool against Rwanda. “They don’t want the FDLR dismantled because it serves their interests. The FDLR has become a weapon they can use to intimidate Rwanda and keep us in check,” he remarked.
Regarding the advanced weaponry in M23’s possession, Kabarebe clarified that M23 seizes these weapons from FARDC during battles. He cited the large cache of heavy artillery and other equipment M23 captured in Goma, Sake, and surrounding areas.
“The heavy weaponry you saw in Goma was intended to target Rwanda. These were stationed just 4 to 5 kilometers from our border, aimed directly at us,” he revealed.
He called for a lasting solution to the crisis based on decisions made by the East African Community (EAC) and SADC, supported by the African Union. However, he warned that the international community’s obsession with sanctioning Rwanda could discourage Tshisekedi from engaging in peace talks with M23.
He attributed the push for sanctions to Tshisekedi’s promises to deliver mineral resources to international powers, though he doubted these efforts would resolve the conflict.
“The international community bears 80% of the responsibility for the ongoing crisis in eastern DRC due to its vested interests,” he said.
He urged Rwandans to maintain self-reliance in confronting external threats, emphasizing that self-determination remains Rwanda’s most powerful defense.
