Author: Sam K. Nkurunziza

This ceremony took place at the Kigali Genocide Memorial at Gisozi, where the remains of 259,000 victims from the districts of Gasabo, Kicukiro, and Nyarugenge in Kigali are laid to rest.

April 7th is recognized as the international day of reflection on the Genocide committed against the Tutsi in 1994. A day observed worldwide to remember the over one million lives lost in just 100 days.

Before lighting the flame of hope that will burn for 100 days, President Kagame and First Lady Jeannette Kagame laid wreaths on the mass graves and paid tribute to the victims.

Kagame later thanked both Rwandans and foreigners who joined Rwanda in launching the 31st commemoration week. “I thank you because, often, as we continue to see it, the truth is no longer the basis for understanding what happened,” he said

Among the attendees were government leaders, representatives from genocide survivor organizations, friends of Rwanda, and others.

On January 26, 2018, the United Nations officially designated April 7 as the international day of reflection on the Genocide against the Tutsi, a name that was adopted to reflect the truth of the tragic events.

A survey conducted by the Ministry of Local Government between 2000 and 2002 revealed that 1,074,017 Tutsis were killed during the hundred days from April to July 1994.

This report, released in 2004, documented the locations where the victims lived, their ages, and even the ways in which many of them met their deaths.

That same night, civilians began calling RPA soldiers stationed at the CND (Conseil National pour le Développement) to report that the Presidential Guard (GP) and the Interahamwe militia had started killing Tutsi civilians and opposition ministers who had disagreed with Habyarimana.

The attackers began with those ministers, especially the Minister of Information and the Prime Minister, to prevent them from going on air and informing Rwandans about what had happened to the President, what should be done next, or what the Arusha accords stipulated for such a crisis.

According to the Arusha accords, in the event of a major crisis like this, a joint political and military council composed of both parties (the government and FPR-Inkotanyi) was to convene.

This council was to include six representatives from the FPR-Inkotanyi and six from the Government side to decide on the next steps together.

Around 10:00 p.m., the CND building came under attack. RPA soldiers created defensive positions at the roundabout leading to the GP camp and other nearby locations to prevent government forces from storming the CND. No soldier loyal to Habyarimana managed to breach the CND defenses.

By around 2:00 a.m. on April 7, Tito Rutaremara called Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the head of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and representative of the UN Secretary-General, asking whether anything had been done to stop the killings, particularly of the Tutsi, and the attacks on the CND.

But Booh-Booh responded ignorantly claiming not to know anything. Immediately afterward, Tito called General Roméo Dallaire, the commander of the UN peacekeeping forces in Rwanda but he, too, said they were just come out of a meeting at the French Embassy.

When Tito pressed further and asked who was at that meeting. This is what Dallaire told him;
“Some senior Rwandan army officers, Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh, the French Ambassador, the American Ambassador, the German Ambassador, and the Tanzanian Ambassador. They formed a temporary military command structure led by General Gatsinzi, with General Ndindiliyimana as his deputy.”

He was informed that at that moment, Ndindiliyimana is in charge as Gatsinzi was in Butare and unable to travel due to security concerns. Dallaire then gave Tito Ndindiliyimana’s phone number and asked in case he wanted to know anything further.

Tito asked Ndindiliyimana, “People are being killed by Interahamwe and the Presidential Guard. Some ministers are already dead, and we’re being shot at. Since we’ve heard you’re now leading the military council running the country, who has the power to stop the Presidential Guard from killing Tutsi?”

General Ndindiliyimana replied that the only person who could stop the GP was Col. Théoneste Bagosora and went ahead to share Tito two of Bagosora’s phone numbers.

Before ending the call, Tito asked Ndindiliyimana, “Why didn’t you follow what the Arusha Accords outlined for such situations?” to which Ndindiliyimana responded by saying that it was urgent and a matter for politicians.

Bagosora was a powerful figure in the military, having held several senior roles. He was also from Gisenyi, the same region as President Habyarimana and many other top officials.

In January 1993, he had been part of the Rwandan delegation at the Arusha peace talks, where power-sharing agreements were being finalized.

When Bagosora finally answered Tito’s call he said, “Let us see,” then immediately hung up. After about an hour, Tito called him back, but Bagosora didn’t pick up. Tito then tried the second number, and this time Bagosora answered again.

Tito remembers asking him why the GP are still killing people, et he had promised to intervene but nothing had changed. He recalled inquiring whether are supposed to just watch while people are murdered to which he responded that “it’s a serious situation” before hanging up on him again.

By the morning of April 7, 1994, Habyarimana’s military had cut off all communication lines used by FPR-Inkotanyi leaders, preventing them from speaking with Rwandans in Kigali. They were left with only radio equipment as their means of communication.

From that night onward, Tutsi were systematically murdered across different parts of Kigali and in several other prefectures, as the genocide began in full view of the world.

A man Mitterrand considered a close friend, almost like a son, their friendship had lasted many years, as France had become deeply involved in Rwanda’s internal politics shortly after the country gained independence.

In December 1962, France signed a cooperation agreement with Rwanda, covering both civilian and military sectors. By July 1975, the two countries entered into a special military agreement, and the following year France began supplying Rwanda with military equipment and trainers for its armed forces.

Six years later, in 1981, Mitterrand came to power and found the Franco-Rwandan relations in good standing. He chose to strengthen them even further. In 1983, the special military agreement was revised to include provisions allowing French troops to fight alongside Rwandan forces if needed.

However, throughout this partnership, France turned a blind eye to the Rwandan government’s increasing oppression, mass killings of Tutsi, ethnic discrimination, and widespread displacement. The regime had normalized ethnic division in every sector of society.

These agreements were signed just a year after the Rwandan government expelled Tutsi refugees who had fled Uganda and sought safety back in their homeland, only to be chased out again.

A 1964 United Nations report highlighted that over 300,000 Rwandan refugees were living in exile in Tanzania, Uganda, Burundi, and Zaire. They had fled systemic violence orchestrated by the state. But even in the face of such reports, France chose not to intervene.

This tight-knit relationship is what pushed Mitterrand into despair upon hearing of Habyarimana’s death. Alongside his advisers, he quickly pointed fingers at the former Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), accusing them of shooting down the presidential plane.

This accusation came despite the fact that France had for years been supplying the Habyarimana government with heavy weaponry, including advanced surface-to-air rocket systems capable of downing aircraft.
These weapons had been delivered to Rwanda on the morning of October 10, 1990, as confirmed by one of Mitterrand’s own advisers.

{{Mitterrand turned his back on Rwanda}}

After losing the man he viewed as a son, Mitterrand could not bring himself to accept Rwanda’s new government, led by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi). He began sidelining Rwanda on the international stage at a time when the country was desperately in need of support.

In November 1994, Mitterrand organized his cherished France-Africa Summit, attended by 25 African heads of state. On the agenda were France-Africa relations, with Rwanda a key focus, especially as the country was emerging from the horror of the Genocide against the Tutsi.

But Rwanda was not invited. Mitterrand viewed the new RPF-led government as enemies of France, according to Dr. Charles Murigande, who served as a diplomatic adviser to Rwanda’s president at the time.

He said, “The fact that we weren’t invited to that summit in Biarritz doesn’t mean the other African countries viewed Rwanda as a pariah. […] But of course, the President of Rwanda couldn’t just show up in France without an invitation.” He added that Mitterrand’s shame was already evident on the global stage.

“Not being invited by France didn’t surprise us. That’s just who Mitterrand was. It reflected his mindset. He had stood with those who had destroyed Rwanda. Naturally, he felt ashamed. There’s no way he would have had the courage to invite the President of Rwanda to Biarritz.”

Today, relations between France and Rwanda have significantly improved, especially after President Emmanuel Macron expressed a willingness to rebuild diplomatic ties and reconcile historical wounds between the two nations.

One of their first plans was to exterminate the Tutsi who had taken refuge at Amahoro Stadium in Remera, a location perceived to be secure due to the presence of UNAMIR peacekeepers.

However, this plan was thwarted due to fighting between the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the Presidential Guard, allowing many Tutsi and others at the stadium to survive.

Among those saved was a Belgian consultant named François Veriter, who worked on governance projects supported by the UN Development Programme (UNDP).

That same night, Major Aloys Ntabakuze, head of the Para-Commando battalion based at Kanombe military camp, ordered his soldiers to begin killing Tutsi and political opponents living near the camp in an area called Kajagari.

Also on this day, 17 Tutsi, including priests and nuns, were killed at the Jesuit Centre Christus in Remera. Among them was 67-year-old Father Chrysologue Mahame, the Jesuit director of the centre and a founder of the human rights and peace advocacy group “Association des Volontaires de la Paix (AVP).”

These murders were carried out by presidential guards, para-commandos from Kanombe, and Interahamwe militia who mercilessly descended on their fellow Rwandans just because they were Tutsi.

{{Targeting political opponents of the Genocide}}

In the campaign to eliminate political figures who opposed the Habyarimana regime and the genocide plan, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana was the first to be killed on April 7, 1994, alongside 10 Belgian UN peacekeepers assigned to protect her.

They were tortured and murdered by government soldiers led by Major Bernard Ntuyahaga, who was later convicted by a Belgian court and sentenced to 20 years in prison (a sentence he has now served).

Other prominent politicians killed included, Joseph Kavaruganda, President of the Constitutional Court, Minister Frederiko Nzamurambaho, also PSD party president Me. Félicien Ngango, PSD Vice President, and his wife Odette Ubonabenshi, Faustin Rucogoza, Minister of Information (MDR) and Landouald Ndasingwa, a PL party leader. These assassinations were carried out by Habyarimana’s guards.

Radio Muhabura, operated by the RPF, was the first media outlet to condemn the killings of Tutsi and Hutu politicians who opposed the genocide. The RPF’s military leadership declared its mission to protect innocent civilians and issued orders to halt the killings.

{{Nationwide massacres following the President’s death}}

From the night of April 6, 1994, Radio Rwanda and RTLM broadcast a statement signed by Colonel Théoneste Bagosora, acting on behalf of the Minister of Defense, confirming the president’s death and instructing citizens to remain indoors.

This message facilitated the coordination of widespread massacres, particularly in Kigali neighborhoods like Kacyiru and Kimihurura, where Interahamwe set up roadblocks and began killing Tutsi.

The killing spread across the country. Local mayors (burgomasters) and community leaders led the violence.
In Giciye commune (Gisenyi), many Tutsi were killed, including the wife of Christophe Bazivamo, an agriculture project worker.

In Bicumbi commune (Kigali), Mayor Juvenal Rugambarara personally executed the plan. He admitted to the ICTR that he personally killed around 100 Tutsi and was convicted for it.
{{
Killings expanded to Bugesera, Kibungo, and Gitarama}}

In Runda (Kamonyi), Tutsi were massacred in several locations including Nyabarongo and thrown into Cyabariza pond. Key perpetrators were local leaders like Kamana Claver and Ndayambaje Sixbert.

In Kayenzi (Kamonyi), killings occurred at Cocobeka and Intwari. In Gisuma (Cyangugu) and Nyaruguru, gendarmes joined the killings. In Muko (Nyamagabe), six Tutsi, including municipal finance officer Michel Gacendeli, were murdered by a group of about 100 led by the police chief and Mayor Kayihura Albert.

In Gisenyi, Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva called a meeting with Interahamwe, military, and police leaders. They decided to establish roadblocks and kill all Tutsi. Victims were collected from homes and dumped in mass graves nicknamed “Komini Rouge.”

Over 800 people, mostly women and children, were killed at Nyundo Parish. Others were killed at Nyundo minor seminary (50), Busasamana parish (150), Centre St Pierre, Stella Maris Church, Rwandex, and Komini Rouge.

{{Murders continue to Ruhengeri, Cyangugu, and beyond}}

In Ruhengeri, a planning meeting was held at the home of MRND secretary-general Joseph Nzirorera. Participants included Colonels Ephrem Setako and Augustin Bizimungu, and other officials. They decided the Tutsi had to be eliminated by the next morning.

Colonel Bizimungu distributed guns to local leaders and Interahamwe leaders. Killings followed; Tutsi at ISAE Busogo were all murderedwith 43 killed at Busogo Parish.

Interahamwe group “Amahindure” spread terror across Ruhengeri as killings went on in Bugarama (Rusizi), Kivuruga (Gakenke), Tare, Nemba Hospital, and other locations. Victims were thrown into rivers like Rusizi, Ruhwa, and Rubyiro.

Some perpetrators were identified as Yusuf Munyakazi and CIMERWA director Marcel Sebatware (now a Belgian citizen).

In Cyangugu and Nyabihu, Tutsi were killed in Adventist churches, military camps, and Catholic parishes including Hesha, Gisizi, Rambura, and Mukamira. Victims were also found in Byahi (Rubavu).

After the meeting, Habyarimana was returning with others, including Cyprien Ntaryamira, the President of Burundi, around 8:00 PM, when the plane approached Kigali for landing as usual.

Moments later, a missile struck one wing of the aircraft over Masaka airspace, followed by another hitting its tail. The plane caught fire and crashed in Habyarimana’s compound in Kanombe, near the military camp and the airport.

That compound, now located in Kamashashi Cell, Nyarugunga Sector, Kicukiro District, still bears remnants of the original gate and security outposts.

Jeanne d’Arc Mukazayire, a resident of Kibaya less than 10 minutes from Habyarimana’s house, told IGIHE that immediately after the crash, a sweep began targeting all Tutsi in Nyarugunga.

“It was 8:40 p.m. Wherever there was a Tutsi, they were immediately targeted. They knocked—if you opened the door, you were shot. Anyone claiming the killings happened on April 10 is lying; it all began that very night. Only those who had fled into the wild survived,” she recalls.

Mukazayire explained that soldiers from Habyarimana’s residence and from the Kanombe military camp carried out the killings in Nyarugunga that night. The next morning, April 7, 1994, Interahamwe militia continued the hunt, killing Tutsi survivors with machetes and clubs.

“They slaughtered people, even those hiding under bridges. On the second and third days, April 8, we fled to Masaka Church. They followed us. A young child, maybe 7 or 8 years old, held up a photo of Habyarimana and said, ‘Isn’t this the one you killed?’ Then they hacked people like they were cutting down corn, with machetes and clubs labeled ‘Mpongano y’Umwanzi’ (revenge on the enemy),”

{{Kanziga’s orders to kill}}

Genocide survivors say that after the plane was shot down, Habyarimana’s wife, Agathe Kanziga, ordered soldiers at the compound to kill all Tutsi in the surrounding area.

Kanziga wielded significant power in Habyarimana’s regime and is believed to have been deeply involved in planning the genocide against the Tutsi. Her influence was reinforced by her family connections, including her brother, Colonel Elie Sagatwa, a high-ranking officer, at the time.

Part of the crashed plane landed in the yard of Marie Chantal Niyonshuti’s family, whose house bordered Habyarimana’s.

Now living in Kanombe, Niyonshuti recounted Kanziga’s role, “A soldier I was friends with confided in me that the Tutsi around Habyarimana’s home were killed on Kanziga’s orders immediately after the death of her husband.”

Josephine Musanabera, who lives in Mukoni village beneath the former presidential home, confirmed that Kanziga stood at the gates issuing kill orders.

“She told neighbors, those living near Niyonshuti, near Murasira and Murara that night that she didn’t want that “filth.” The filth of Tutsi killed my husband.” Following Kanziga’s command, soldiers from the compound attacked their Tutsi neighbors with guns and acid, killing them with extreme cruelty.

{{Burning the bodies with acid}}

Before the genocide officially kicked off, local families were prohibited from visiting the presidential household, with a posted warning: “Only residents allowed.” Niyonshuti confirmed that the soldiers who killed their neighbors were exclusively Habyarimana’s guards and staff.

“After the crash, it was Habyarimana’s soldiers and workers, not outsiders who dragged people out, shouting ‘come out, come out!’ and immediately shot them. Then they took the bodies away,” she remembers. She said the corpses were taken to Kanombe military camp and incinerated with acid.

“Before daybreak, they removed them so that when investigators came to examine the wreckage, no Tutsi bodies would be found. They were taken to the military camp and burned. No one waited for dawn. Anyone who survived probably escaped under a pile of bodies or by sheer miracle.”

{{Rebuilding lives after survival}}

After the Genocide against the Tutsi was stopped in 1994, Mukazayire returned to her destroyed home. She was later provided housing by FARG, the government fund for genocide survivors, in Kinyinya sector, Gasabo district.

“We’re living well now. We sleep peacefully. We get treatment when sick, FARG pays for it. We’ve moved on from those dark days. We live in a village now and have no problems. I have a place to lay my head and live like anyone else.”

Niyonshuti said the government supported her through university, and she now has hope for the future. She’s proud that Rwanda has eliminated ethnic discrimination and continues to progress in all sectors.

To preserve her family’s legacy and contribute to development, she opened a bar called Akagoroba on their old land near Habyarimana’s former residence. It’s now a popular community hangout in Nyarugunga.

Josephine Musanabera, another survivor, who often suffered severe trauma from her past, said messages of hope from leaders, especially President Paul Kagame, who restored her will to live.

“We’re focused on surviving and thriving now. We’ve rolled up our sleeves and rebuilt. We want to leave a better country for our children. And we are so grateful to our government. It stands by us, and our children are in school.”

The Genocide against the Tutsi claimed over a million lives in just 100 days, making it the fastest genocide in recorded history.