Author: Nicole Kamanzi Muteteri

  • Man charged with arson after fire at British PM’s home

    According to the police statement, Roman Lavrynovych faces three counts of arson with intent to endanger life.

    The charges, authorised by the Crown Prosecution Service, relate to three incidents: a vehicle fire in NW5 on May 8, a fire at the entrance of a property in N7 on May 11, and a fire at a residential address in NW5 in the early hours of May 12.

    The suspect was arrested early Tuesday in connection with a series of suspected arson attacks, including the fire at a property owned by Starmer.

    Police Community Support Officers stand near the fire damaged doorway of a house belonging to British Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Kentish Town in London on May 13, 2025. (PHOTO / AP)

  • Rwanda ushers in 5G era with first network launch

    The fifth-generation network is now live at Kigali Heights and the Kigali Convention Centre (KCC)—signaling the beginning of a broader rollout.

    “We have the first 5G site in Rwanda at the Kigali Heights/KCC area—a proud and exciting step for us as we kick off this journey. As we move forward with our 5G rollout, we can’t wait for our customers to experience the full extent of what 5G has to offer,” MTN Rwanda shared in a post on X.

    MTN Rwanda CEO Ali Monzer also posted on X, revealing that additional 5G sites will be activated soon.

    “In the coming weeks, we will activate more 5G sites across high-demand zones in Kigali. We are committed to expanding coverage swiftly and strategically,” he stated.

    The company began upgrading its network infrastructure back in 2020, starting in Kigali, to prepare for the deployment of cutting-edge technologies such as 5G and even 6G in the future.

    These upgrades aimed to lay a strong foundation for faster, more reliable digital services across the country.

    In 2023, Rwanda and China initiated discussions to enhance their collaboration in the technology sector, with a specific focus on the establishment of 5G infrastructure and mitigating cyber threats.

    Talks about new areas of cooperation began during a two-day visit to Rwanda by Zhuang Rongwen, the Chinese Minister responsible for Cybersecurity.

    Speaking to the press at the time, the Minister of ICT and Innovation, Ingabire Paula, informed the press that the talks with China aimed to explore how both countries could further collaborate in various technological sectors, including the implementation of 5G networks.

    She emphasized, “We discussed in detail how to strengthen this relationship, not only in terms of training but also in research and development, especially regarding 5G.”

    The Minister also highlighted the necessity for Rwanda to have a 5G connection, underscoring the opportunities it presents, particularly in the medical sector.

    5G technology is considered a significant advancement, offering connection speeds up to a hundred times faster than 4G.

    Ingabire expressed that medical services are one of the areas where Rwanda sees outstanding potential for the adoption of 5G.

    What makes 5G a game-changer?

    5G is more than just a faster internet connection. It enables transformative innovations, such as remote surgeries, autonomous vehicles, and smart home systems—like a fridge that alerts you if food is spoiling, or the ability to switch off an appliance remotely.

    Technically, 5G is 10 to 100 times faster than 4G. In the U.S., for instance, telecom giant Verizon recorded download speeds of up to 1.0 Gbps (gigabits per second) in recent tests—allowing users to download entire movies or large files in seconds.

    But speed isn’t everything. 5G drastically reduces latency—the delay between clicking something and seeing it respond. On 4G networks, this delay is around 20 milliseconds. With 5G, it drops to less than 1 millisecond, making real-time applications smoother and more responsive.

    Another key benefit is 5G’s ability to connect thousands of devices simultaneously, making it ideal for the Internet of Things (IoT)—where everything from cars to household appliances can be connected to the internet and communicate with each other.

    Rwanda now ranks third in Africa for internet speed and is among top countries worldwide. As of now, the number of people with 5G-compatible smartphones is growing rapidly—increasing by 10% to 15% each year—suggesting that Rwanda is well on its way to embracing this new digital era.

    MTN Rwanda has officially introduced 5G internet in the country for the first time, marking a major milestone in Rwanda’s ongoing digital transformation journey.

  • Comment of the Embassy of Ukraine in the Republic of Rwanda on the article by Alcade Ndemeye, published in the online edition IGIHE

    We will not comment on the latter, even though Ukraine wholeheartedly wishes every success to the ongoing peace process involving several parties and facilitators. And of course, we will not react to any of the allegations in the above manipulative article, none of which have anything to do with reality. And it is difficult not to notice the striking similarities between all its deceptions and the lies spread by the Russian propaganda machine, aimed at undermining the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people against Russia’s unprovoked aggression – a barbaric crime and fatal blunder that have become the greatest in its history.

    Yet, to prevent Rwandan readers from being misled by that article, we feel compelled to recall several well-established facts about Russia’s ongoing aggression against Ukraine, which began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea – a sovereign part of Ukraine – and escalated on 24 February 2022 into a full-scale invasion.

    By launching its aggression against Ukraine, Russia has blatantly violated all most fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter.

    Any violation of a sovereign state’s sovereignty and territorial integrity is a grave affront to international law and cannot be justified under any circumstances. Yet, even if one looks at the justifications for that aggression put forward by Russia – such as preventing NATO expansion or protecting the Russian-speaking population in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine – it is easy to understand that these justifications are totally false.

    When Finland and Sweden joined the North Atlantic Alliance in 2023 and 2024, respectively, Russia did not move a single platoon to prevent NATO expansion. On the contrary, it relocated the bulk of its troops stationed near those new NATO member states to the front line in Ukraine.

    Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine have never faced discrimination due to their language or for any other reason. The Donetsk and Luhansk regions enjoyed a peaceful life before Russia decided to ‘protect’ them. Now, they are largely depopulated, completely in ruins, with no hope for a return to normal life in sight.

    The real ‘root cause’ of Russia’s aggression is Ukraine itself – its independence, its determination to shape its own future, and its rejection of its former colonial masters in the Kremlin. The overwhelming majority of members of the international community fully understand what is at stake in this war – including African countries, which themselves had to fight for freedom and independence. The entire world applauds the Ukrainian people’s heroic resistance under the leadership of President Zelenskyy.

    Ukraine simply has no other choice than to defend itself against the brutal invader. But of course, no one strives more for peace than Ukraine itself. Ukraine has always tried to find a diplomatic way of achieving peace. As far back as 2022, President Zelenskyy presented 10-point Peace Formula to restore a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine, based on respect to the international law and the UN Charter.

    Ukraine has also fully embraced and supported the U.S. Administration’s recent peace efforts, including its proposal for a thirty-day ceasefire starting on May 12, 2025, as a first step toward restoring peace.

    Both Ukraine and the international community continue to wait for Russia to reciprocate.

    This bloodiest war in Europe since World War II has already caused immense bloodshed and tremendous suffering in Ukraine, while also having a significant negative impact on many regions of the world, including Africa. It appears that only Russia is interested in continuing it.

    We trust that Rwandan readers can judge for themselves whether there are any similarities between this war and the conflict in the Great Lakes region. However, it remains crucial not to encourage the spread of falsehoods that directly or indirectly support Russia’s continued aggression against Ukraine.

    The Embassy of Ukraine in the Republic of Rwanda

  • Rwanda Ultimate Golf Course visits Bisesero Genocide Memorial, commits to fighting genocide ideology

    The commitment was reiterated on May 13, 2025, as the RUGC staff visited the Bisesero Genocide Memorial, one of four memorial sites recently inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List due to the extraordinary resistance shown by the Tutsi community there during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    During the visit, they were taken through the divisive policies introduced by Belgian colonialists, which led to the persecution and displacement of Tutsis across Rwanda beginning in 1959.

    Aaron Gakoko, a genocide survivor from Bisesero, recounted his experience, revealing that the Tutsi in the region began resisting as early as 1959.

    He shared how, in 1994, he personally disarmed three gendarmes and a military officer holding the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.

    Despite the trauma they endured, Gakoko emphasized that survivors now live peacefully alongside those who once targeted them and even cooperate in daily activities.

    He said, “It pains us that those who were killed are not here to witness how we, the survivors of Bisesero, have rebuilt our lives.”

    By the end of April 1994, the Tutsi in Bisesero had withstood waves of attacks by Interahamwe militias.

    As a result, on May 3, 1994, a so-called “security meeting” was held where a decision was made to deploy more soldiers and Interahamwemilitia to eliminate the Tutsi in Bisesero.

    This led to massive, organized assaults, including the particularly deadly attack on May 13, 1994, in which over 30,000 Tutsis were massacred in a single day.

    Vedaste Ngarambe, President of the Karongi District Council and head of IBUKA (the umbrella association of Genocide survivor organizations) in the district, commended the RUGC staff for visiting the memorial, noting the importance of youth involvement.

    He said, “We urge you to help us fight against genocide ideology and denial. Bisesero is unique because the Tutsi here chose to resist the Interahamwe militias together. Their guiding principle was, ‘It is better to die fighting than to die fleeing.’”

    The CEO of RUGC Gaston Gasore highlighted how those who wanted Rwanda to vanish from the world map sowed hatred among Rwandans—people who once shared food, intermarried, and lived as one. He stressed that the country is now striving to reverse that painful history.

    “Our tragic past is teaching us the value of unity,” Gasore said. “We believe that the values we’ve learned here will help us, as we still face a long journey. Genocide ideology remains present among both older generations and the youth. That’s why we, as young people, must rise up and use social media platforms to fight it.”

    Out of over 60,000 Tutsis who lived in Bisesero before the genocide, only 1,300 survived. These survivors later rebuilt their lives, and repopulated the area. Today, the Bisesero Genocide Memorial is the final resting place of more than 50,000 genocide victims.

    Staff members of Rwanda Ultimate Golf Course (RUGC), the company managing the Kigali Golf Course, have pledged to uphold the resilience demonstrated by the people of Bisesero and to take an active role in combating genocide ideology.During the visit, the staff members were taken through the divisive policies introduced by Belgian colonialists, which led to the persecution and displacement of Tutsis across Rwanda beginning in 1959.Staff members of Rwanda Ultimate Golf Course paid homage to genocide victims laid to rest at Bisesero Genocide Memorial.Aaron Gakoko, a genocide survivor from Bisesero, recounted his experience, revealing that the Tutsi in the region began resisting as early as 1959.The CEO of RUGC Gaston Gasore highlighted the country is now striving to reverse its painful history.gakoko_aaron_warokokeye_mu_bisesero_yasangiye_abakozi_ba_rugc_ubuhamya_bwe_muri_jenoside_yakorewe_abatutsi-51611.jpgumuyobozi_wa_rugc_yasabye_abakozi_b_iki_kigo_kugira_ubutwari_nk_ubwaranze_abasesero-c380a.jpg

  • DRC’s Foreign Minister Kayikwamba revives hostile rhetoric against Rwanda

    A promising development took place on April 25, 2025, when Rwanda and the DRC—facilitated by the United States—signed a framework agreement aimed at restoring peace in the region.

    This seemed to signal a potential end to the DRC’s recurring pattern of blaming Rwanda for its internal problems, a narrative that had produced no real solutions or peace for the region.

    Optimism grew further when the U.S. announced that both Rwanda and the DRC would sign a peace agreement in Washington D.C. in June 2025, an accord expected to spark renewed development cooperation among the three countries.

    In the DRC’s official communication channels, key officials like Minister Kayikwamba and Government Spokesperson Patrick Muyaya had noticeably toned down their rhetoric against Rwanda, particularly after both sides agreed in April to avoid any form of provocation.

    However, after a long silence, Minister Kayikwamba recently resurfaced in an interview with Germany’s Deutsche Welle, once again accusing Rwanda of destabilising eastern DRC and of mistreating UN peacekeepers from MONUSCO.

    “We have a very large peacekeeping mission, but one of our neighbouring countries — namely Rwanda — is one of the biggest contributors to peacekeeping operations. At the same time, this country violates our territorial integrity and has also been linked to violence against peacekeepers,” she said.

    When asked whether the DRC recognises Rwanda’s security concerns, Kayikwamba responded dismissively: “Are the tens of thousands of people who have died Congolese or Rwandan? They are Congolese. Are the women who have been raped Congolese or Rwandan? They are Congolese,” she said.

    The Rwandan government has consistently rejected these allegations, maintaining that the DRC is using Rwanda as a scapegoat to distract the international community from the root causes of its insecurity, including poor governance and persecution of Kinyarwanda-speaking Congolese citizens.

    Reacting to Kayikwamba’s comments, the Spokesperson of the Government of Rwanda, Yolande Makolo, strongly dismissed the accusations and directly challenged the DRC’s narrative, highlighting the failure of the Congolese government to take responsibility for internal atrocities.

    “The Congolese foreign minister’s outrage is misplaced, and it cannot cover up the failure of the Congolese government to protect Congolese citizens, not from Rwanda, but from the Congolese government itself,” Makolo stated.

    She pointedly questioned the source of the ongoing violence in eastern DRC, clarifying that the violence is homegrown, not imported.

    “Who is killing? The victims are Congolese, so are the perpetrators. It is not Rwandans killing in Beni, Ituri, Kwamouth, Goma, Minembwe or Uvira. It is Congolese armed groups, VDP/Wazalendo and their allies, FARDC/FDLR, that are supported and financed by the DRC government,” she said.

    Addressing the minister’s claims about sexual violence, Makolo continued: “Who is raping? Reports consistently point to Congolese armed groups, FARDC/FDLR, VDP/Wazalendo and predatory state forces. Do not distort this truth.”

    She also denied accusations of Rwandan military aggression, including bombing of Congolese territories, and instead turned the spotlight on DRC’s own military conduct: “Bombs? There are no Rwandan bombs. The DRC army has bombed civilians indiscriminately, including in Rwanda. Who is bombing Minembwe? It is FARDC and VDP/Wazalendo targeting Banyamulenge, those same Congolese who you refuse to acknowledge by name.”

    Makolo further criticised Kinshasa’s lack of commitment to peace agreements and accused the DRC of consistently undermining regional peace efforts.

    “Who is violating peace agreements? The DRC government signs commitments they don’t uphold: Nairobi, Luanda, Addis Ababa… At every turn, it is the DRC that undermines peace efforts – refusing dialogue, reigniting hostilities, instrumentalising armed groups, repeatedly recruiting mercenaries,” she asserted.

    While the DRC accuses Rwanda of breaching its sovereignty, Rwanda counters that the DRC harbours and supports the FDLR, a terrorist group committed to destabilising Rwanda.

    Rwanda has also reminded the world of statements by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi, in which he openly expressed a desire to overthrow the Rwandan government.

    As a result, Rwanda has strengthened its border security. These measures enabled the country to defend itself against attacks launched by FARDC forces on January 27, as the M23/AFC coalition took control of Goma.

    These attacks killed 16 civilians in Rwanda’s Rubavu District, injured 161 others, and damaged 200 homes.

    Despite recent diplomatic efforts to mend fractured ties, the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, has reignited hostile rhetoric against Rwanda.

  • UAE evacuates 188 patients, family members from Gaza

    The flight departed from Ramon Airport in Israel, transiting through the Karam Abu Salem crossing, and transported 101 injured individuals, accompanied by 87 family members.

    To date, 2,630 patients and their relatives have arrived in the UAE—an effort that reflects the country’s commitment to delivering essential medical care to Palestinians.

    Sultan Al Shamsi, Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs for Development and International Organisations and Vice Chairman of the UAE Aid Agency, emphasized that the initiative reflects the UAE’s long-standing support for the Palestinian people and its solidarity with Gaza during the ongoing crisis.

    “The UAE humanitarian initiatives contribute to alleviating the disastrous impacts endured by residents of the Strip, particularly children, women, and the elderly,” he noted.

    Al Shamsi added, “During this critical time, the UAE will spare no effort to extend help to the Palestinians and launch initiatives for their aid whether by land, sea, or air. We will continue to closely work – through our leading and pioneering role – with the United Nations and our international partners to intensify the necessary efforts to alleviate the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, and ensure the urgent, safe, unhindered, and sustainable delivery of aid at a wide scale and through all possible means.”

    The UAE remains one of the leading countries in providing aid to the people of Gaza. Since the onset of the crisis in October 2023, the country has delivered more than 40% of the total aid reaching the region.

    Al Shamsi reaffirmed that the UAE’s ongoing medical evacuation efforts underscore the nation’s dedication to offering advanced healthcare to injured Palestinians and contributing meaningfully to broader humanitarian relief efforts in these critical times.

    He also reiterated the UAE’s commitment to taking all necessary measures to support the people of Gaza amid these challenging conditions.

    Since the beginning of the crisis, the UAE has made significant strides in providing high-level healthcare to those affected, including services at its field hospital in southern Gaza and through a hospital ship anchored at Al-Arish Port.

    In addition, the UAE has mounted a large-scale relief response for the Palestinian people, delivering over 65,000 tonnes of food, medical supplies, and other essential aid.

    The flight departed from Ramon Airport in Israel, transiting through the Karam Abu Salem crossing, and transported 101 injured individuals, accompanied by 87 family members.To date, 2,630 patients and their relatives have arrived in the UAE—an effort that reflects the country's commitment to delivering essential medical care to Palestinians.

  • France says to expel Algerian diplomats in reciprocal move

    Speaking on BFMTV, Barrot said, “Our response is immediate, it is firm.”

    Algeria summoned the French charge d’affaires in Algiers on Sunday and demanded the immediate expulsion of several French embassy employees over “serious breaches” of diplomatic protocol, Algerian media reported.

    The move follows what Algerian authorities called “serious and repeated violations” by the French side, including the appointment of diplomatic and consular staff without prior notification or formal accreditation, in violation of international norms and bilateral agreements.

    The diplomatic rift between Algiers and Paris has deepened in recent months due to disagreements over immigration issues and policies, and historical grievances, among others.

    In April, Algeria ordered the removal of 12 French embassy employees following the detention of an Algerian consular officer in France — a move that prompted reciprocal action from Paris.

    French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot announced on Wednesday that France is set to expel additional Algerian diplomats in a reciprocal move.

  • Rwandan Police peacekeepers honored with UN service medals in South Sudan

    The decorated officers of Rwanda Formed Police Unit-One (RWAFPU-1) are deployed in Malakal, Upper Nile State, where they largely charged with protection of civilians in camps, who were displaced by conflicts.

    The medal pinning ceremony was presided over by Paul Adejoh Ebikwo, Officer In Charge (OIC) Head of Field Office, Malakal. It was also attended by other high profile UN officials, peacekeepers from other contributing countries as well as South Sudan government officials and security organs.

    Ebikwo expressed gratitude to the Rwandan peacekeepers for their unwavering commitment and relentless efforts in executing their mission to protect and support vulnerable populations residing in IDP Camps.

    “These medals represent the exceptional professionalism and commitment you have demonstrated in safeguarding peace and security for the people of South Sudan,” Ebikwo said.

    He also commended the Government of Rwanda for its visionary leadership and active contribution to global peace and security efforts.

    Commissioner of Police (CP) Felly Bahizi Rutagerura, the UNMISS Chief of Operations, also thanked the Rwandan Police peacekeepers for supporting the local communities through various social and development initiatives.

    Rwanda started deploying Police peacekeepers in South Sudan in 2015. Currently, there are two Rwandan Formed Police Units; RWAFPU1, based in Malakal in Upper Nile State, and RWAFPU-3, operating in Juba, the capital of South Sudan.

    Rwandan Police peacekeepers have been honored with UN service medals in South Sudan.Rwanda started deploying Police peacekeepers in South Sudan in 2015.The medal pinning ceremony was presided over by Paul Adejoh Ebikwo, Officer In Charge (OIC) Head of Field Office, Malakal.csm_whatsapp_image_2025-05-13_at_16.57_37_b6a8d9ee_f8e884291a-c8949.jpg

  • “Ese mbaze nde?”: A survivor’s cry, a nation’s mirror

    One such masterpiece is the song “Ese Mbaze nde?” (“Who Can I Ask?”) composed in early 1996, a year and a half after the Genocide Against the Tutsi had ended.

    It is not simply a song; it is a cry, a scream through melody, a lamentation rooted in the language of exile and anguish.

    It is a spiritual reckoning with the ungraspable: how does a person live after death has passed so close and so thoroughly?

    Only a few artists in the world have ever captured such depths of human tragedy with such nonphysical precision. Mariya Yohana Mukankuranga is one; Nyiranyamibwa is the other.

    Both women, now octogenarians, are custodians of memory. In her lyrics, Suzanne doesn’t just speak about survivors; she speaks as the survivor.

    She embodies them. Her voice rises with their pain, and sinks with their loneliness. Her art is sacred.

    The flute that opens “Ese Mbaze nde?” is not ornamental. It is the sound of loneliness, of a silence so deep it makes the trees weep.

    And when Nyiranyamibwa begins with the elongated cry, “Ayiiii!” followed by “Ngire nte?” (“How and what can I do?”), it is not a rhetorical question. It is a question thrown into the void.

    In Rwandan tradition, “Ngire nte?” was the second question in a divinatory ritual, meant to help the sufferer discover what sin or misfortune had brought about calamity.

    But for the survivor of genocide, there is no diviner, no answer, and no one to ask.

    “Ese Mbaze nde?” — Who can I ask? Who remains to be my mirror, to bear witness to my loss? The answer is immediate and gut-wrenching: “Uwo nabajije atakiriho” — The one I should ask is no longer here.

    In one breath, Suzanne reminds us that genocide is not only the destruction of lives, but the obliteration of continuity.

    The murder of grandparents, parents, and children is not only physical. It is genealogical.

    A child grows up with no picture of their mother, no memory of their father’s voice, no village to return to.

    “I enter Rwanda and no longer recognize anything,

    It’s as if its heart has been torn out.

    I’m dazed, disoriented, as if emptied of meaning,

    Then my chest tightens as if I were breastfeeding but I’m not, ayiweeeee.”

    This stanza, drawn from deep spiritual trauma, is a psalm of dislocation. A woman who had fled in exile returns to find a Rwanda that resembles a body with no soul. It is a corpse of a country.

    The metaphor of a breast tightening though not breastfeeding evokes phantom pain—a mourning of what should have been: children to hold, to feed, to raise. The pain lingers, even in absence.

    “When I came out, there were no birds… There was sunshine and the stench of death.”

    These are the words of a survivor quoted in the introduction of a book Leave None to Tell the Story, a title borrowed from the genocidaires’ own terrifying boast: “Ntihazagire n’uwo kubara inkuru.”—“Leave none to tell the story.”

    It was not just a threat; it was an instruction—an apocalyptic order to erase an entire people and ensure silence.

    It is in that scorched silence that genocide denial aggravates. And those who deny the genocide against the Tutsi, or who minimize its gravity, are not merely mistaken—they are complicit.

    They are grave-diggers in another sense: they bury truth.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa’s powerful 1996 lament, “Ese Mbaze Nde?” (“Who Can I Ask?”), echoes through the ashes of a people nearly annihilated.

    She returned to Rwanda after the genocide and found a place unrecognizable: hills once alive now quieted by massacre, churches transformed into charnel houses, paths overgrown as though ashamed to lead anywhere.

    Her song asks what every survivor has silently screamed: Where do I go with this grief?

    Who is left to answer? And now, even as survivors sing, we find voices—scholars, bloggers, YouTubers, exiles like Jambo Asbl, Christine Coleman, Claude Gatebuke or Gaspar Musabyimana—who twist the facts, ridicule the pain, and cloak hatred in intellectual varnish.

    They, too, would wish to leave none to tell the story—not with machetes, but with falsehoods.

    There is no moral distance between the hand that wields the blade and the mouth that justifies its swing.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s song transitions from personal lament to collective eulogy:

    “All the paths have been invaded by the bushland,

    The beautiful hills of yesteryear are now covered with ruins,

    Where the children used to play, vultures are now chillers, ayiii.”

    This is poetry born of horror. The metaphor of the land itself decaying parallels the withering of communal life.

    The beloved Rwanda of memory is swallowed by overgrown bushes and haunted by scavengers. Hills that once echoed with children’s laughter now echo with cries of orphans.

    “The crying of the orphans will keep you awake,

    The mother who gave birth is forever reduced to a life without children.

    So many widows are sick with their unspeakable grief, ayiiiiii.”

    To those who survived, the world is not silent. It is filled with cries that pierce the night. Grief has become a second skin.

    A mother without children is an empty vessel, a universe collapsed into silence. An orphan with no one to call “Mama” or “Papa” is a thread torn from the fabric of ancestry.

    Nyiranyamibwa doesn’t shy away from the grotesque reality of the genocide:

    “God’s churches are overflowing with corpses,

    The country is swarming with mines,

    When you survive the night, you’re never sure you’ll survive the day, ayiweeee.”

    It is a theology of abandonment. The sanctuaries became slaughterhouses. Places meant for prayer became tombs.

    The listener can feel the despair of someone who questions even the basic rhythm of time: night and day, safety and danger.

    Nothing can be trusted. This is what it means to survive trauma: waking up is a betrayal of those who did not.

    Nyiranyamibwa turns the focus sharply to the evil that was unleashed:

    “They drove human beings like they were beasts,

    Leading them to their death, these villains

    Having decreed that being Tutsi is an absolute crime, ayiweeee.”

    The song reminds us that the crime of genocide is not simply the act of killing. It is the redefinition of a person as a problem to be solved by death.

    The Tutsi were dehumanized, turned into an infection to be purged. Nyiranyamibwa reminds us of the cruelty with which this ideology was carried out:

    “Any Hutu who didn’t kill didn’t deserve to live,

    Declared an accomplice of the Inkotanyi, he deserved to die,

    Few in his family have escaped death.”

    This rhyme dismantles the false binary often peddled by genocide deniers: that it was a war. It was not.

    It was a meticulously planned extermination, so complete in its cruelty that even dissenters from the killing side were declared enemies.

    “They (the killers) had fun at their expense while they were only clothed in shame.

    They dispossessed them of everything on the hills,

    It was like the Way of the Cross to Golgotha.”

    The use of Christian imagery, though not really accurate, is deliberate. Rwanda, seen as a deeply religious country, saw its churches turned into Golgothas.

    Nyiranyamibwa evokes the crucifixion as a way to depict the collective suffering of the Tutsi—humiliated, stripped of dignity, paraded toward death.

    “Anyone not killed with the machete perished by a small, worn-out hoe,

    You had to pay to get killed with a bullet,

    If you didn’t buy your death, you were cut up into pieces

    It was unthinkable, no one could ever have imagined it.”

    To pay for a bullet was considered a mercy—instead of being killed with a machete.

    What does it say about a world where the price of a humane death becomes a privilege? This song carries these realities with brutal honesty.

    And Nyiranyamibwa, having seen it, returns to Belgium after 1994 carrying not just her own grief but that of over a million.

    Her father, Phillip Karahamuheto, was killed in the 1963 anti-Tutsi pogroms. She had lived genocide before genocide.

    She was already mourning before 1994. Hers is a generational grief. And yet, she does not end in hatred.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa ends her song not with vengeance, but with a profound call—a plea—to “fight hatred and resentment.”

    It is an act of courage to ask a shattered world to heal. But healing cannot coexist with denial.

    And those who deny the Genocide against the Tutsi—or dress up that denial in euphemism, revisionism, and false balance—inflict a second death upon the victims and a fresh wound upon the survivors.

    ‘Leave None to Tell the Story’ was not just a documentation of atrocities—it was a prophetic indictment.

    The genocidaires did not merely aim to kill people; they aimed to kill memory. That is why they desecrated bodies, crushed skulls, burned homes, and incinerated identity cards.

    That is why they chased pregnant women and infants. That is why they planned it in schools, in government offices, in churches.

    And that is why the title of the book stings: because survivors emerged from the graveyards alone, with no one left to ask, “Who were my parents? Where is my brother buried?

    Did anyone see my sister’s face before she was taken?” Nyiranyamibwa gave voice to that cry: “Ese mbaze nde?”

    Humanity must not entertain those who feign objectivity while playing host to denial. The world must not excuse ignorance that becomes ideology.

    Any sane person must not allow memory to be murdered a second time.

    To deny genocide—or to forget it, is to complete the mission of the killers.

    To distort truth is to swing the same machete—only now, at truth, at justice, and at the dignity of survivors.

    There is no innocence in silence.

    This is the principle of the survivor: not settling scores, but resistance through truth. This is moral clarity.

    Survivors are not asking for pity; they are commanding remembrance. They are not asking for vengeance; they are demanding accountability and justice.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s lament is not unique to her. It belongs to thousands who survived. Thousands who came out of hiding to find no one left.

    Who looked for the path home and found it overgrown. Who waited to hear the voice of a loved one and heard only silence.

    Children who now have no family name to pass on. Men and women who carry trauma in their bones.

    The cry “Ngire nte?” must echo through every Rwandan conscience. What do we do with this past? How do we honour it without being swallowed by it? How do we make “Never Again” more than a slogan?

    Nyiranyamibwa’s song feels like it inspired that title “Leave None to Tell the Story,”. She sings because there are some left to tell the story. She sings so we listen.

    Rwanda must never forget. The world must never forget. For if we do, we return to the abyss.

    Nyiranyamibwa sings not only to the past but also to the future. Her cry is not only retrospective; it is far-sighted.

    There are survivors today who still don’t know where their families are buried. Who don’t know the faces of their mothers, the voices of their fathers, or the smell of their homes.

    There are children born from rape, now grown, who ask, “Ese mbaze nde?” There are orphans who have become parents without ever being parented themselves. There are souls still wandering the ruins of memory.

    To sing is to defy oblivion. To remember is to heal. To grieve together is to rebuild what was meant to be destroyed.

    Nyiranyamibwa’s voice, cracked by time and grief, remains the most authentic sound of Rwanda’s conscience. May it echo through our politics, the churches and mosques, our classrooms, and our families.

    May her cry become our call to action. May her song be the anthem of every person who chooses love over hate, truth over denial, memory over silence.

    For we must ask ourselves, as a nation and as humanity:

    “Ese Mbaze nde?” Who can I ask?

    The answer, painful as it is, may very well be: You.

    You are left to tell the story. You are the one they must ask. You are the keeper of memory.

    Let the story never die. Let the silence never return. Let the music of truth ring louder than the drums of hate.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa sang, and in doing so, she gave us the courage to answer:

    “Ngire nte?”

    Here is how: We remember. We protect the truth. We raise a generation that kneels before the sacred story of survival and stands up to say:

    Never again is not negotiable. Never again is now.

    Suzanne Nyiranyamibwa is one of those rare voices still preserved to remind Rwanda and the world what it means to survive the unspeakable.