The attack on Al-Zurq market has drawn sharp condemnation across Sudan and renewed questions about the widening use of foreign-supplied weapons in the country’s war.
Eyewitnesses said the strike hit the market at its busiest hour. when vendors and shoppers from across the state had gathered.
Survivors described the assault as targeted and racially motivated, deepening fears in a region scarred by years of ethnic violence.
Sudanese groups including the United Civil Forces Alliance (Qimam), the National Human Rights Observatory, and the Foundational Sudan Alliance (Ta’sis) condemned the attack.
They said Turkish-made Akıncı drones, produced by Baykar, were used. All three organizations demanded accountability for those behind the strike.
The Sudanese army has relied on drone warfare in Darfur and Kordofan. It denies hitting civilian areas. Yet marketplaces, hospitals, and homes have been repeatedly bombed.
The gap between official statements and civilian suffering continues to widen.
The groups went further, pledging to hold not only Sudanese commanders but also Baykar itself responsible.
They cited company executives Haluk and Selçuk Bayraktar by name, reflecting growing pressure on international arms suppliers linked to the war.
The Washington Post reported earlier this year that Baykar secretly delivered at least $120 million worth of drones and missiles to Sudan in 2024.
Evidence included text messages, recordings, and financial documents. The shipments, according to the report, were supervised directly inside Sudan.
This strike follows a legal push at the International Criminal Court.
The Sudanese Rights Alliance filed a case last week, accusing senior army commanders of war crimes. Rights groups say aerial strikes on civilian areas fit a consistent pattern of abuses.
Western powers have already responded with sanctions. The United States targeted Sudan’s army, the Islamist Al-Baraa Ibn Malik Battalion, and Finance Minister Jibril Ibrahim. The European Union sanctioned the Sudanese Air Force and extended the measures through 2026.
For civilians in Darfur, these actions have yet to change daily reality. The war, which erupted in April 2023, continues to devastate communities.
Each strike, like the one on Al-Zurq, reinforces the sense of abandonment among survivors.
The attack is not an isolated event. It is another chapter in a conflict that has systematically eroded civilian life.
Markets, homes, and hospitals are now recurring battlegrounds, leaving little space untouched by violence.
The cooperation pact was signed in Jakarta, Indonesian between Inspector General of Police (IGP), Felix Namuhoranye and General Listyo Sigit Prabowo, the Indonesian Chief of Police.
The signing ceremony was also witnessed by Rwanda’s Ambassador to Indonesia, Sheikh Abdul Karim Harerimana.
The MoU establishes a framework for collaboration in combating transnational organized crime, sharing information and expertise, training, and other capacity-building programmes aimed at enhancing policing capabilities between the two countries.
The partnership marks a significant step in bilateral relations between the two law enforcement institutions and reflects the growing commitment by both countries to strengthen international police cooperation in addressing evolving security challenges through joint efforts and knowledge exchange.
IGP Namuhoranye, who is on a four-day visit to Indonesia at the invitation of his host, also toured the Indonesian Police College, where he interacted with over 300 commissioned officers attending various courses.
The engagement provided an opportunity to share experiences and explore avenues for future cooperation in police education and professional development.
For decades, the exiled Rwandans had lived in limbo, scattered across Uganda and other countries in the region, dreaming of a return to a homeland most had not seen since childhood.
Many had fought under Yoweri Kaguta Museveni in the Ugandan Bush War, rising through the ranks of the National Resistance Army (NRA). But in their hearts, they were still refugees. Their families remained in camps, their parents’ land still out of reach. Diplomacy had done nothing.
At the heart of Rwanda’s liberation dream were two lifelong friends; Paul Kagame and Fred Gisa Rwigema. As boys in exile, they spent hours listening to elders recount the daring fights of earlier resistance fighters known as the Inyenzi, their imaginations fired by stories of return and freedom.
Those childhood talks hardened into resolve as the two rose to command positions in Uganda’s army. After helping bring Yoweri Museveni to power, they and other exiled Rwandans began quietly shaping a different mission, one not for another nation, but for their own. The time had come to stop waiting and start reclaiming home.
{{The calm before the march}}
According to historian John Burton Kegel in his book The Struggle for Liberation: War and Militarism in African History, the final decision to activate Option Z came in September 1990.
By then, tension within Uganda’s army was palpable. Anti-Rwandan sentiment had grown, and intelligence officers were already suspicious that some NRA soldiers were secretly loyal to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). If the plan leaked, the entire network could be dismantled overnight.
Rwigema’s home in Kampala quietly became the center of operations. Around 20 September, small groups of trusted officers began visiting under the cover of darkness. No meetings were recorded, no written orders were left behind. Each man left with one instruction: be ready to move at any time.
One of the key figures in these clandestine gatherings was Major Sam Kaka, the then commander of Uganda’s Military Police and one of Rwigema’s most trusted allies.
Kaka traveled across the country using official duties as camouflage, quietly alerting Rwandan officers in scattered NRA units, those stationed in Bihanda under Theogene Bagire, others at Mbarara under Charles Musitu, and some embedded in 129 Battalion under Commander Cyzia. He told them only what they needed to know: the time had come.
By September 29, the decision was sealed. The armed return was no longer an aspiration, it was a date on the calendar.
{{Building an army without an army}}
The RPA existed more in loyalty than in form. It was a force that lived within another army but bound by a deeper allegiance. Mobilization had to be improvised.
Kegel notes that the core of the initial force came from Kaka’s Military Police Battalion, which was almost entirely composed of Rwandan patriots.
Around one hundred soldiers from President Museveni’s elite Presidential Protection Unit joined in, having been secretly recruited by charismatic commanders Charles Muhire and Charles Ngoga. Another three hundred came from 31 Brigade in central Kampala.
They brought what they could carry, rifles, ammunition, boots, even food rations. They had no tanks, no artillery support, no formal supply chain. But they had determination. By evening on September 30, Rwigema gave the final order.
{{The convoy that slipped through the night }}
At 2:30 a.m. on October 1 , 1990, a convoy began rolling out of Kampala’s dark streets. It was an unlikely army on the move, a jumble of army trucks, minivans, borrowed buses, and private cars.
Kaka’s military police led the way to discourage roadblocks. Each man knew discovery meant death or imprisonment, but not a single one turned back.
As the convoy moved, radios buzzed with tension. Rwigema’s communications team stayed awake through the night, listening for any sign that NRA commanders had noticed the disappearance.
Then came a brief radio message, relayed from the Ugandan presidency’s office: “ Don’t be afraid, if it is Fred who is going with his soldiers, they are not going to fight us. I think he must be returning home.”
President Museveni was out of the country. To this day, no one knows who sent that message, but it kept the convoy moving, unchallenged, toward the border.
{{Dawn at Kagitumba}}
By 10 a.m., the first RPA platoons reached the Kagitumba border post on the Muvumba River. Morning mist blanketed the valley. Across the river, a small detachment of Rwandan government troops stood guard, unaware that history was about to cross their path.
Then came a moment of symbolism that would echo through history. Before crossing the border, Rwigema’s men stopped and tore the Ugandan insignia from their uniforms.
The firefight was swift and decisive. The road to Nyagatare was suddenly open.
They entered Rwanda not as invaders, but as sons returning home. As Kegel observed, this act was deliberate, a declaration that this was not Uganda’s war but Rwanda’s own awakening.
{{The chaos of secrecy}}
Victory at Kagitumba brought euphoria but also confusion. The RPA had emerged from the shadows, but it was still a network, not a structured army. Fighters arrived in scattered groups, many unsure of who to follow or what the overall plan was. Rwigema and his senior officers; Kaka, Steven Ndugute, and others, scrambled to restore order.
By nightfall, they had created four ad-hoc battalions led by Chris Bunyenyezi, Steven Ndugute, Adam Wasswa, and Sam Kaka. Yet they faced an immediate crisis: hunger. Because secrecy had been absolute, no supply lines or civilian staging areas had been arranged. The soldiers began seizing cattle from local herders, leaving handwritten IOUs that promised repayment after the war.
The very secrecy that had ensured success now revealed its price, confusion, shortages, and improvised command.
{{Lighting the fuse}}
Still, morale burned brighter than fear. Plans for the following day were bold, push deeper into Rwanda, seize Gabiro, Camp Mutara, and Nyagatare before reinforcements arrived.
The fighters moved forward with faith stronger than logistics, believing that speed would compensate for what they lacked in numbers and supplies.
In hindsight, Option Z was not simply a military maneuver. It was a gamble built on courage, stealth, and conviction, a calculated leap into the unknown.
Despite early setbacks, including the death of Maj Gen Fred Rwigema on the second day of the struggle, the drive to free Rwanda did not falter.
Just days later, Maj Paul Kagame returned from military training in the United States to assume command. He reorganized the war, restored the soldiers’ morale, and led the campaign that ultimately liberated Rwanda and ended the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. Option Z had succeeded.
This victory opened the path to rebuild a nation once reduced to ashes, restore unity, and set Rwandans on a shared journey of recovery and development.
He encouraged them to invest in modern and larger buildings to transform the district’s image.
CP Hatari made these remarks on Saturday, October 4, 2025, during the official opening of La Briella Hotel, which will complement existing hospitality facilities and increase the number of available accommodation rooms.
“We want Rubavu to become the second among the country’s secondary cities. We have everything it takes. Our security is guaranteed. We have a market for our produce.
“You have seen that during festive seasons or when big events take place, many visitors struggle to find places to stay and end up sleeping in cars, yet you have the means. Use this good ambition and build new structures. Play your part in renewing the city,” he urged.
CP Hatari reminded business owners and investors that while expanding into other districts can be valuable, they should first prioritize building essential investments within their own communities.
“Look at how Musanze has been modernized without having better opportunities than Rubavu. You should stand up and join efforts to build an exemplary nation. Security alone is not enough without economic activity and development,” he added.
CP Hatari commended Rubavu’s private sector for the progress they continue to make in transforming the town.
Rubavu District Mayor, Prosper Mulindwa, who attended the inauguration of La Briella Hotel, also reminded local entrepreneurs that their investments benefit not only themselves but the entire country.
“Everything you do, you do it for the country, not just for yourselves. You build for the present and the future generations. This new hotel will contribute to taxes and revenue.
The courage you showed to invest is rare because many people only keep ideas without bringing them to life,” he said.
Mulindwa praised Antoine Habarurema, the investor behind the newly built hotel, highlighting his determination.
“Many will learn from you. As the district leadership, we appreciate your contribution to renewing a town that has long needed modernization,” he stated.
For his part, Antoine Habarurema, the hotel owner acknowledged that his achievement was made possible by Rwanda’s inclusive and fair governance.
“If it weren’t for the country’s good leadership that doesn’t discriminate based on origin or region, I would not have been able to complete this project. I thank our national leadership for giving everyone equal opportunities to work and invest. Without this fair system, I would not be doing business here. This hotel is a fruit of good governance,” he said.
According to the statement, the foreign ministers of the eight countries welcomed “the steps taken by Hamas regarding Trump’s proposal to end the war in Gaza, release all hostages, alive or deceased, and the immediate launch of negotiations on implementation mechanisms,” it said.
They further commended Hamas’s announcement of “its readiness to hand over the administration of Gaza to a transitional Palestinian administrative committee of independent technocrats,” emphasizing the need for the immediate launch of negotiations to agree on mechanisms to implement the proposal and address all of its aspects.
The foreign ministers also welcomed Trump’s call on Israel to “immediately stop the bombing and to begin implementation of the exchange agreement,” expressing appreciation for his commitment to establishing peace in the region.
The ministers affirmed that these developments represent “a real opportunity to achieve a comprehensive and sustainable ceasefire and to address the critical humanitarian conditions facing people in the Gaza Strip.”
The foreign ministers reiterated their joint commitment to supporting efforts to implement the proposal, end the war in Gaza, and reach “a comprehensive agreement” ensuring unrestricted humanitarian aid, no displacement of Palestinians, and the protection of civilians.
They also called for the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza, unifying Gaza and the West Bank, full Israeli withdrawal, Gaza’s reconstruction, and a just peace based on the two-state solution.
The joint statement came a day after Egypt announced that it would host Israeli and Hamas delegations on Monday to discuss field arrangements and details for the exchange of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners under Trump’s ceasefire proposal.
Israel’s military campaign in Gaza has killed more than 67,000 Palestinians and injured nearly 170,000 others since Oct. 7, 2023, according to an update by Gaza’s health authorities, in addition to destroying infrastructure and causing famine in the enclave.
This came just four days after the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF-Inkotanyi) and its military wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), had launched their armed struggle to liberate the country.
It was a particularly tense moment for President Juvénal Habyarimana. When the RPF attacked the Kagitumba border, Habyarimana was in New York attending the United Nations General Assembly. He rushed back to Kigali in alarm.
At that time, the government army, the ex-FAR, was small and inexperienced, numbering fewer than 5,000 soldiers who had never faced real combat. Their military equipment was limited and outdated.
Alarmed by the Kagitumba attack, Habyarimana began seeking help from allies, notably Zaire’s president Mobutu Sese Seko and France’s president François Mitterrand. France responded quickly, agreeing to send elite troops known for handling high-risk combat.
A special French unit of 300 commandos was selected. According to John Burton Kegel’s book The Liberation Struggle: War and Militarism in African History, the decision to deploy these troops was made on October 3. Two military aircraft were prepared to transport them from France to Kigali.
This intervention was named Operation Noroît, France’s mission to protect Habyarimana’s regime.
The unit was already famous within the French army, having previously carried out the “Kolwezi Mission” in Congo in 1978.
The first plane departed on the night of October 4, 1990, at 3 a.m., followed by a second at 5:45 a.m. Both first headed to Bangui in the Central African Republic, where France had a military base.
According to Kegel, the C-160 Transall aircraft took off from Bangui in the afternoon of October 4, heading to Kigali.
Even these elite soldiers were nervous. They feared Kigali International Airport might be unsafe and came prepared with parachutes in case they had to jump under fire. But French trainers already in Rwanda reassured them that Kanombe Airport was secure despite the gunfire heard overnight.
When the first plane approached Rwandan airspace, French officers on the ground confirmed the situation was calm, so parachutes were not needed. The commandos landed in Kigali around 6:45 p.m. and were told that RPA forces were about 170 kilometres away, much farther than rumours suggested.
The Habyarimana government had deliberately fired heavy gunfire in the capital to create panic, spread false claims of an RPA attack on Kigali, and justify mass arrests of Tutsi civilians, accusing them of collaborating with the rebels. Historians like Bernard Lugan note that FAR soldiers themselves panicked that night, shooting aimlessly and causing chaos.
There was also an attempt to overthrow Habyarimana.
Former Belgian ambassador to Rwanda, Johan Swinnen, later revealed that some FAR soldiers tried to stage a coup that night. According to Swinnen, the U.S. Embassy had been warned beforehand that something unusual might happen.
{{French forces stayed on in Rwanda}}
The French troops did more than protect Habyarimana. They began training the FAR, providing weapons and logistics, even transporting soldiers by helicopter. They helped establish military intelligence and security systems that strengthened Habyarimana’s hold on power, while political tensions and anti-Tutsi persecution deepened.
Thanks to French support, FAR troops grew dramatically, from about 5,000 soldiers in October 1990 to roughly 20,000 by the end of that year.
After the 1993 Arusha Peace Accords, France withdrew many of its forces but left behind military advisers and Habyarimana’s personal guard.
When the genocide began in April 1994 following Habyarimana’s death, France launched Operation Turquoise in June. This mission is often criticised for protecting members of the interim government and military leaders who organised the killings, allowing them to flee to Zaire (now DR Congo) and prepare to fight back.
The presence of French troops in Rwanda from 1990 to 1994, including their role in training and equipping militias such as the Interahamwe, remains a highly debated and painful part of Rwanda’s modern history.
For some spectators like Gentille Abimpaye, who found the official name of the event a bit long, simply calling it “UCI” was enough while they enjoyed the thrilling competition that turned Kigali’s clean streets into a celebration.
On September 27, fans witnessed the women’s under-19 and elite women’s races. That day, late-term pregnant Abimpaye, had gone to watch the finish line at the Kigali Convention Centre in Kimihurura.
By early afternoon, labor pains started. An ambulance quickly rushed her to Kacyiru Hospital, where she received immediate medical care.
“I didn’t have health insurance, I didn’t have anything with me, but they welcomed me and didn’t turn me away. They helped me so much. I am truly grateful! They assisted me through labor, and I gave birth to a baby girl at around 11 p.m. I had no clothes for the baby, but they provided them instantly. I had no food or porridge, but they took care of me and did everything possible,” Abimpaye said.
The championship — the first of its kind ever held in Rwanda and Africa — thrilled many Rwandans who followed it closely. For Abimpaye, the experience was extraordinary because she witnessed the athletes sprinting to the finish line at KCC just hours before giving birth.
Since labor began while she was cheering for the cyclists and delivered on the same day, she decided to name her daughter Ange UCI Noella, a name she says will forever remind her of the historic competition in Kigali.
“I named her ‘UCI’ because I was cheering for the last cyclist coming in; I raised my hands like everyone else, but when I tried to lower and lift them again, I felt labor starting. I was rushed to the hospital and gave birth before midnight, still on the same day. This will always remind me that my daughter was born during the World Road Cycling Championships,” she explained.
Her husband, Ildephonse Ntarwimo, praised Kacyiru Hospital’s management for helping his wife despite her lacking the usual documentation required for maternity admission.
“We owe everything to the good leadership of His Excellency the President of the Republic. Without it, such quality healthcare services would not be possible,” he said.
Reflecting on the experience, Abimpaye admitted she made a mistake by not carrying essential items in case labor started unexpectedly, even though she knew her due date was near. She advised expectant mothers to always be prepared.
According to a statement released by RDF, the promotion takes immediate effect.
The RDF serves the people of Rwanda by safeguarding the nation’s sovereignty and also supports international peacekeeping missions. It is widely recognized for the dedication and discipline of its soldiers.
Currently, RDF personnel are deployed on peacekeeping missions under the United Nations in South Sudan and the Central African Republic, while others safeguard peace under bilateral agreements in the Central African Republic and Mozambique.
Rwanda is the fourth largest contributor to UN peacekeeping missions with the deployment of more than 4,585 troops, including 249 women.
Promotions within the RDF reflect the institution’s growth and the professional advancement of individual soldiers.
During the commissioning of 1,029 new officers into the RDF on October 3, President Kagame reminded the officers that their role is vital regardless of Rwanda’s size or population, stressing that the RDF must remain strong, professional, and ready to defend the country’s sovereignty.
The secretary-general “welcomes and is encouraged” by the statement issued by Hamas, spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said in a statement.
The UN chief urged all parties to seize the opportunity to bring the conflict in the Gaza Strip to an end, and thanked Qatar and Egypt for their invaluable mediation work, said the spokesperson.
Dujarric said the secretary-general reiterated his call for an immediate and permanent ceasefire, the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, and unfettered humanitarian access. “The United Nations will support all efforts toward these objectives to prevent even more suffering.”
Hamas announced Friday that it has submitted its response to Trump’s Gaza peace proposal to regional and international mediators, saying it has agreed in principle to release all Israeli hostages, both living and deceased.
In a press statement, the Palestinian armed group also agreed to transfer the administration of Gaza to a Palestinian body of independent technocrats, formed through national consensus and supported by Arab and Islamic countries.
“Based on the Statement just issued by Hamas, I believe they are ready for a lasting PEACE,” Trump said Friday on Truth Social, adding that Israel must immediately stop its bombing of Gaza. “We are already in discussions on details to be worked out. This is not about Gaza alone, this is about long sought PEACE in the Middle East.”
On Monday, the Trump administration unveiled a 20-point proposal after the U.S. president held talks with visiting Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which outlines a ceasefire-for-hostages deal, a phased Israeli withdrawal, a demilitarized Gaza, and international oversight of Gaza’s reconstruction and governance after the end of the conflict.
From 2:00 PM, guests will step into a vibrant day-to-night journey filled with fun games, interactive activities, and a wave of good vibes that build toward an electrifying evening of live performances.
The Friends of Amstel stage will showcase a stellar lineup: Rwanda’s very own Bruce Melodie, Kivumbi King, and Mike Kayihura, alongside Kenya’s regional superstar Bien-Aimé. They will be joined by the dynamic beats of DJ Marnaud and Toxxyk, with a surprise international act set to raise the energy until the final beat.
More than just music, the event is designed as an immersive friendship experience—where moments of laughter, connection, and togetherness take center stage. Whether you come with a squad or join solo, Friends of Amstel is where bonds are made, and memories are shared.
Tickets are available in solo and group bundles (2, 4, or 6 friends), ensuring no one misses out because the spirit of Friends of Amstel is best enjoyed together.
Tickets for the event are now available and can be purchased online at Ticqet.rw. Guests are reminded that alcohol is not sold to anyone under the age of 18 and is not recommended for pregnant women. Attendees are also encouraged to enjoy drinks responsibly and to avoid drinking and driving.
