President Kagame sent the condolences through a message shared on X. “On behalf of the people of Rwanda and on my own behalf, I extend my deepest condolences to the family of the Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga, to my brother President William Ruto, and to the people of Kenya on the passing of Rt. Hon. Raila Odinga,” he posted.
The Head of State also eulogised Raila Odinga as a lifelong dedicated public servant whose steadfast commitment to democracy, justice, and unity in Kenya and across Africa will be remembered for generations to come.
“We stand in solidarity with the government and people of Kenya during this time of national mourning,” he added.
Although Raila Odinga had been at odds with President William Ruto’s administration for some time, the two joined hands in early 2024 when the Kenyan government pledged to support Raila’s candidacy for the position of Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC).
In March 2024, Raila visited Rwanda, where he met with President Kagame. Shortly afterward, the Government of Rwanda publicly announced its support for his bid.
While Raila did not win the AUC election, his contribution to Africa’s development remains significant.
From 2018 to 2023, he served as the AU High Representative for Infrastructure Development in Africa, a role that advanced major projects across the continent.
Raila Odinga passed away in India on October 15, 2025, following cardiac arrest. In honor of his legacy, President William Ruto declared a seven-day period of national mourning across Kenya.
The competition scheduled for Saturday, October 18, 2025, will take place at Kigali Golf Resorts & Villas. This year’s edition has attracted around 200 registered golfers, including 120 Rwandans.
BPR Bank’s Chief Operating Officer, Godfrey Kariuki Kamau, said the bank remains committed to contributing to community development through sports, particularly golf.
“Our continued involvement demonstrates the positive impact it has on Rwandans, especially among sports enthusiasts,” he said.
“Best performers will earn the opportunity to compete against players from other East African countries, which also helps strengthen regional ties,” added Kamau.
The Head of Golf at Kigali Golf Resorts & Villas, Rama Donneur, praised BPR Bank’s role in popularizing the sport in Rwanda.
“We appreciate BPR for bringing this tournament to Rwanda. It is one of the events that has helped promote golf locally and marks an important step in attracting international-level competitions,” he said.
“These tournaments also give Rwandan golfers visibility across Africa. We are proud that our own player, Celestin Nsanzuwera, ranks among the continent’s best,” added Rama.
The BPR-KCB East Africa Golf Tour will feature several categories, including men, women, seniors, and a special category for tournament organizers.
Winners from the Kigali leg will advance to the grand finale in Nairobi, Kenya, in December 2025, where they will compete against top players from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Burundi.
The winning team at the regional final will receive a cash prize of one million Kenyan shillings, equivalent to approximately 11.2 million Rwandan francs.
Rwanda’s previous representatives in the regional finals included Nganga Barnabas Kariuki, Olwit Anthony Robert, Murekatete Alphonsine, and Mukisa Benjamin, who all performed impressively and helped raise the country’s golfing profile in the region.
Just three days after the war began on October 1, 1990, France deployed around 300 elite troops to Rwanda under the pretext of protecting French citizens and ensuring the safety of foreign nationals. In reality, the troops had been sent to rescue Habyarimana’s regime.
This French intervention was codenamed “Operation Noroît”, and the number of soldiers was later increased to around 800, according to Michel Goya, a former French Army colonel, in his analysis “Penser les opérations. Retour sur l’opération ‘Noroît’ au Rwanda (1990-1993)”.
{{France’s long record of foreign military operations}}
The deployment of French troops to Rwanda was part of a broader pattern of foreign military interventions abroad, known in France as “Opérations Extérieures” (OPEX). These operations have stretched across continents for decades.
Before Rwanda, French troops had intervened in Kolwezi, Zaire (now DR Congo) in 1978. Other OPEX missions included Operation Atlante in 1954 in Indochina (present-day Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia); joint NATO missions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Afghanistan during the 1990s and 2000s; and deployments in the Middle East, Iraq, and the United Arab Emirates.
Today, roughly 30,000 French soldiers serve abroad, according to France’s embassy in the United States.
{{Africa as France’s long-standing military backyard}}
Reports indicate that France has intervened militarily 31 times in Africa since 1963. France has conducted numerous military operations under OPEX, treating the continent as a traditional sphere of influence.
These include Operation Épervier in Chad (1986–2014), Operation Licorne in Côte d’Ivoire (2001), Operation Artémis in Ituri, DR Congo (2003), and Kolwezi (1978).
Later operations included Serval and Barkhane in Mali, with the latter also extending into Burkina Faso and Niger. Others, like Operation Manta in Chad, Sabre in Niger and Burkina Faso, and deployments in Mauritania, Gabon, Djibouti, Senegal, and the Central African Republic, reinforced France’s deep military footprint across Africa.
{{France’s silence on Operation Noroît }}
Despite its extensive record of military missions abroad, France does not officially list Operation Noroît among its recognized OPEX operations, nor does it like to discuss it publicly.
While addressing diplomats and representatives of international organizations working in Rwanda, together with officials from the Ministry of National Unity in 2022, the then French Ambassador to Rwanda, Antoine Anfré, noted that many people tend to focus on Operation Turquoise, which took place in June 1994 during the Genocide against teh Tutsi, while overlooking Operation Noroît of 1990.
At that time, he explained that through Operation Noroît, France had helped Habyarimana’s army repel the first offensive launched by the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), an attack in which Major General Fred Rwigema was killed.
He also hinted at the possibility that French pilots might have operated the helicopters used by the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR) during the fighting.
Referring specifically to the helicopters Habyarimana used in the battle against the RPA, Anfré remarked, “You would want to know who was actually flying them.”
France’s decision to send troops to Rwanda under the pretext of protecting civilians and facilitating humanitarian assistance, while those same soldiers went on to work directly with the FAR in combat operations, remains an embarrassment for the European nation.
The discomfort is even deeper because some of the French trainers also instructed the Interahamwe militias, who were later involved in the secution of the Genocide against the Tutsi.
{{A failed mission that ended in shame}}
Operation Noroît lasted about three years, ending in 1993 without achieving its stated goals.
The subsequent Operation Turquoise during Genocide against the Tutsi in June 1994, publicly presented as a humanitarian mission to protect civilians, also became controversial.
Instead of saving lives, French troops were accused of siding with FAR and fighting against the RPA, which was then working to stop the genocide.
Furthermore, France was implicated in aiding the escape of members of the genocidal government and shielding some from accountability, helping them flee to Zaire and even Europe.
These actions have left France with a lasting sense of shame and denial over its role in Rwanda.
As Colonel (Rtd) Michel Goya noted in his conclusion, France ultimately decided that Operation Noroît would not appear on the official list of French overseas military operations.
The Commission’s Chairperson, Providence Umurungi, attributed the decline to several key measures, including policies that encourage non-judicial conflict resolution such as mediation, the release of prisoners on provisional freedom, and plea-bargaining where suspects admit their guilt in exchange for lighter sentences.
She made the disclosure on October 15, 2025, while presenting the NCHR’s 2024/2025 annual report and the 2025/2026 action plan to members of Parliament.
Umurungi further noted that by the end of August 2025, the overcrowding rate had fallen even lower to 103.6%, showing a continuing downward trend compared to previous years.
“This year, we have observed positive changes that need to be supported. During inspections conducted in March and April, overcrowding stood at 110%, but by the time we finalized this report, it had decreased by another 7%,” she said.
The Commission carried out inspections on human rights observance in 14 prisons, rehabilitation camps for inmates serving community service, 112 RIB detention centers, 29 primary rehabilitation centers, three rehabilitation centers, nine elderly care centers, three homes from Impinganzima (hostels built for Genocide widows), and five mental health facilities.
“It’s something to appreciate,” Umurungi remarked. “The reduction is due to the renovation of some prisons, the release of many inmates, and the positive impact of mediation programs. While it’s still early, we’re seeing promising results that show such initiatives can yield strong outcomes if sustained.”
The Judiciary’s annual report also supported these findings, revealing that in 2024/2025, the number of cases resolved through mediation rose by 32%, from 2,395 in 2023/2024 to 3,166 in 2024/2025.
Similarly, cases settled through plea bargaining reached 11,846, up from 9,851 the previous year, an increase of 20%.
However, Umurungi noted that despite these improvements, challenges remain in some prisons that still operate in outdated facilities, including Bugesera, Muhanga, Ngoma, and Rusizi prisons.
She also said that specialized rooms for prisoners suffering from contagious diseases have been established in several facilities to improve healthcare conditions.
Regarding the right to health, the Commission confirmed that medical services are available in prisons and that inmates requiring advanced care are referred to hospitals as needed.
On the issue of torture, Umurungi emphasized that no cases of torture or inhumane treatment were recorded in Rwandan prisons during the 2024/2025 fiscal year.
Nevertheless, the Commission observed that some prisons, notably Huye and Rusizi, still face higher levels of overcrowding.
The Commission also inspected RIB detention facilities, where 5,927 detainees were being held, including 602 women, 211 boys, and 18 girls.
The most congested stations were Gicumbi, Kabarondo, Gacurabwenge, Nyamata, Nyagatare, Kigabiro Kirehe, Kimironko, Rusororo, Nyarubuye, and Kirehe.
Citing the UN World Meteorological Organization (WMO) Greenhouse Gas Bulletin released Wednesday, Stephane Dujarric, spokesperson for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, told a daily briefing that continued emissions of CO2 from human activities and an upsurge from wildfires, as well as reduced CO2 absorption by “sinks” such as land ecosystems and the ocean, were responsible for the rising CO2 levels in the atmosphere.
According to the report, concentrations of methane and nitrous oxide, which are the second and third most important long-lived greenhouse gases related to human activities, have also risen to record levels, he said.
WMO Deputy Secretary-General Ko Barrett warned that the heat trapped by CO2 and other greenhouse gases is turbocharging the climate and leading to more extreme weather, and stressed that reducing emissions is therefore essential not just for the climate but also for economic security and community well-being, said the spokesperson.
Held under the global theme “Hand in Hand for Better Foods and a Better Future,” this year’s celebration also marks the 80th anniversary of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), a milestone that underscores the urgency of building sustainable, inclusive, and resilient food systems to achieve Zero Hunger (SDG 2).
The celebration will be held on October 24, 2025 in Nyamagabe District, Southern Rwanda.
“As Rwanda advances toward becoming a middle-income, food-secure nation, FAO remains a trusted partner to the Government, working hand in hand to transform agriculture into a powerful driver of inclusive economic growth.
“Through the Hand-in-Hand Initiative, FAO continues to connect data, partners, and investments to ensure that no one is left behind in Rwanda’s journey toward a sustainable, resilient, and prosperous future,” said Nomathemba Mhlanga, FAO representative in Rwanda.
Rwanda has made commendable strides in improving food security and nutrition through increased productivity, expanded irrigation, and investments in market access. The Strategic Plan for Agriculture Transformation (PSTA5) positions agriculture as a cornerstone for achieving food and nutrition security.
It calls for a shift from subsistence farming to market-oriented, nutrition-sensitive, and climate-resilient agriculture. This transformation recognizes that improving dietary diversity and access to safe, nutritious foods begins in the field, with farmers empowered to produce high-value, nutrient-rich crops and livestock products.
“Through supporting smallholder farmers, home grown school meals, and investments in youth employment, we see how practical actions help communities to tackle poverty, food insecurity, and stunting, and enable them to join Rwanda’s development vision. Together, we can ensure every child has the nutrition they need to learn and thrive,” said Andrea Bagnoli, Country Director and Representative, WFP.
With the visionary leadership of Rwanda, working hand in hand, FAO, WFP, and IFAD are deepening their collective support to the government and partners to accelerate the transformation of agrifood systems. Building on complementary strengths, FAO is expanding its Hand-in-Hand Initiative to harness geospatial data, agribusiness intelligence, investment matchmaking, promoting inclusive value chains and territorial development.
WFP is promoting resilience and human capital by linking more than 130,000 smallholder farmers to markets, advocating for climate-resilient practices, advancing home-grown school feeding initiatives, and supporting shock-responsive social protection and nutrition systems.
Meanwhile, IFAD is scaling up rural finance and private-sector engagement, supporting investments in irrigation, livestock development, climate-smart productivity, post-harvest systems, and youth- and women-led enterprises.
“Transforming food systems requires bold investments and strategic partnerships,” said Dagmawi Habte-Selassie, IFAD Country Director and Representative for Rwanda. “To unlock the full potential of rural economies, we must prioritize investments that mitigate risks for all stakeholders, including the private sector. With the right incentives and a supportive policy environment, private sector can drive efficiency, scale up innovation, create decent jobs, and build resilient, sustainable value chains.”
Speaking on behalf of the Rome-Based Agencies, Dr Ozonnia Ojielo, UN Resident Coordinator, stated that, “On behalf of the Rome-Based Agencies, I wish to commend Rwanda for its unwavering commitment to achieving Zero Hunger and advancing the Sustainable Development Goals through bold and transformative action in the agriculture sector. Guided by the Strategic Plan for Agriculture Transformation (PSTA5), Rwanda continues to demonstrate exceptional leadership in building a modern, market-driven, and nutrition-sensitive agricultural system.
“The United Nations, through its Rome-Based Agencies, stands firmly with the Government of Rwanda in driving climate adaptation, empowering youth and women in agrifood systems, and advancing national nutrition outcomes. Together with all partners, we are determined to sustain the momentum toward realizing Rwanda’s vision of an inclusive, resilient, and prosperous agricultural transformation”
Rome-based agencies are aligning their efforts to deliver a tangible impact, empowering rural communities, driving sustainable growth, and ensuring that no one is left behind in the journey toward Zero Hunger.
The Rome-based agencies urge all stakeholders, including development partners, civil society, the private sector, and communities, to collaborate for a food-secure future where every Rwandan has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food.
{{About FAO}}
The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) is a United Nations specialized agency that leads international efforts to end hunger, improve nutrition, and achieve food security.
Founded in 1945, it is an intergovernmental organization with 194 member countries and the European Union, and its headquarters are in Rome, Italy.
FAO’s work includes providing technical assistance to governments, coordinating activities to improve agriculture, forestry, and fisheries, and intervening in humanitarian emergencies to rehabilitate agricultural systems.
{{About WFP}}
The United Nations World Food Programme is the world’s largest humanitarian organization, saving lives in emergencies and using food assistance to build a pathway to peace, stability, and prosperity for people recovering from conflict, disasters, and the impacts of climate change.
{{About IFAD}}
IFAD is an international financial institution, and a United Nations specialized agency. Based in Rome – the United Nations food and agriculture hub – IFAD invests in rural people, empowering them to reduce poverty, increase food security, improve nutrition, and strengthen resilience.
Since 1978, IFAD has provided more than US$25 billion in grants and low-interest loans to fund projects in developing countries.
In his remarks to the UN General Assembly on the UN80 Initiative, Guterres said: “Now is the time for bold, systemic change, building on the Humanitarian Reset: to deliver faster, at lower cost and with greater reliability to the millions of people whose lives depend on us in moments of crisis.”
With this goal in mind, the UN chief said, the United Nations has established a New Humanitarian Compact between UN humanitarian agencies — a six-point blueprint to deliver better, restore trust in multilateral action and maximize the impact of every dollar.
“The Compact will bring the UN system together in a new Collaborative Humanitarian Diplomacy Initiative — fostering coordinated negotiation and unified messaging, so that we speak and act as one for those in greatest need,” he said.
Guterres highlighted the measures to be taken, including cutting coordination bureaucracy by simplifying humanitarian response plans, meetings and structures; integrating the supply chains of the principal humanitarian agencies, enabling more cost-effective procurement, pooled freight and shared logistics at global and country levels; and proposing to scale up the use of common services, from office space to fleets and security arrangements.
“Everything that is specific of the activity of an agency should be developed by the agency, but everything that is common should be done together with a larger increase of efficiency and a meaningful reduction of costs,” he said.
Guterres added that the United Nations will strengthen its joint capacities to leverage data for faster, earlier, more targeted and dignified action, and align responsibilities to reduce programmatic overlaps in the fields of food, mobility, beneficiary data, health and nutrition.
In his speech, Guterres also said that to implement the UN80 Initiative, the United Nations has identified targeted efficiencies and cost reductions of over 15 percent in the proposed 2026 regular budget, and about 19 percent in posts. “The purpose is clear: to reduce duplication, strengthen quality and safeguard mandate delivery while responding to Member States’ call for greater efficiency.”
The United Nations has appealed for more than 45.3 billion U.S. dollars for its global humanitarian needs in 2025, but only 21 percent, or 9.6 billion dollars, had been received as of the end of September, a staggering decrease of over 40 percent compared to the same time last year, a UN spokesperson said Tuesday.
At the heart of Spark Microgrants’ mission lies the Facilitated Collective Action Process (FCAP), a model that empowers communities to organize, plan, and lead their own development.
Yet, as the realities and priorities of these communities evolve, the methods that support them must also adapt.
Recognizing this, Spark launched the Design Fellowship Program, an initiative that transforms experienced Community-Based Facilitators (CBFs) into strategic designers and innovators of process.
For Fellows like Fyson, Mustapher Saidi from Malawi, Sam Namusi (Uganda), Alexis Mbarushimana (Rwanda), and Innocent Nditurende (Rwanda), the fellowship represents a transformative step forward.
“As a CBF, I facilitated weekly sessions. As a Design Fellow, I now help refine the FCAP process and test tools like chatbots,” says Fyson.
Saidi echoes this sentiment, adding, “The fellowship opened my mind. I now work across communities and learn from different realities.”
The fellowship is not merely a title; it’s a platform for practical growth and hands-on learning. Through it, Fellows gain valuable skills in digital literacy, research, facilitation, and community design.
Fyson Ekani from Lilongwe, Malawi, now confidently uses digital tools like Google Meet, Excel, and Sheets while leading focus group discussions and mentoring peers. Saidi and Sam have strengthened their research and coordination skills, and Mbarushimana has refined his abilities in planning, reporting, and analysis.
These newfound competencies are not confined to theory. Fellows apply them daily as they test prototypes, advise on design improvements, and generate insights that guide Spark’s national strategies.
“It taught me how to be independent and set smart goals,” says Saidi.
“I’ve learned to manage conflict and support others,” adds Fyson.
The impact of the Design Fellows extends far beyond their personal growth. Across Spark-supported communities, their influence is tangible.
Fyson helped initiate manure production and tree-planting projects, while Saidi revived a long-stalled maize mill initiative and spearheaded reforestation efforts.
Sam has supported agricultural programs across fifteen sub-counties while piloting new feedback tools. Mbarushimana and Nditurende have guided livestock projects and promoted vital health initiatives, such as insurance enrollment and household improvements.
These stories reveal how the Design Fellows are not just guiding communities but are also testing, adapting, and scaling locally led projects that deliver real results.
“Whenever I was stuck, I got help from my trainers or fellow Design Fellows,” recalls Sam. “The fellowship made me feel part of something bigger,” adds Fyson.
Beyond immediate community change, the Design Fellowship is nurturing the next generation of local leaders. Fyson aspires to become a Trainer, while Saidi and Sam are eager to pursue further opportunities in research and facilitation.
Alexis dreams of enhancing his digital design skills, and Innocent, now a Trainer himself, reflects on his transformation: “The program gave me the confidence and skills I needed to grow.”
Through ongoing mentorship, peer learning, and feedback, the Fellows continue to evolve, charting new paths in leadership while inspiring others to do the same.
What makes the Design Fellowship truly remarkable is its belief that innovation begins within communities themselves.
By blending field experience with creative design thinking, Spark Microgrants is building a network of leaders who are redefining the meaning of sustainable development.
The Design Fellows are not only facilitators of progress; they are co-creators of a movement where communities take the lead in designing their own future.
The event held on Tuesday, October 14, served as a powerful platform to present Rwanda’s rich tourism offerings, including unique travel packages created by local tour operators, to travel agencies and industry professionals in Germany’s Rhine region.
The afternoon sessions brought together a diverse group of travel agencies and tour operators eager to explore Rwanda’s diverse tourism potential.
Kageruka Ariella, Head of Tourism at RDB, captivated the audience with in-depth presentations on Rwanda’s flagship experiences.
These include the renowned gorilla trekking adventures in Volcanoes National Park, breathtaking wildlife safaris, vibrant cultural circuits across Kigali and rural communities, and the country’s commitment to sustainable tourism.
The presentation also spotlighted the country’s high-end accommodations and eco-tourism offerings, showcasing Rwanda’s blend of adventure, luxury, and sustainability.
Rwanda’s Ambassador to Germany, Igor César, welcomed the attendees, emphasizing Rwanda’s unique assets and the abundant opportunities available for German tour operators and travel agents.
The event also featured tailored, modular travel packages designed for both the German and Dutch markets. These packages cater to a wide range of travelers, from solo adventurers and families to groups and corporate travelers, ensuring that Rwanda’s offerings appeal to all.
This roadshow marks an important step in Rwanda’s mission to enhance its visibility as a prime tourism destination in Europe, with a focus on both increasing tourist arrivals and maintaining the high-quality, sustainable tourism experience that the country is known for.
The list, approved by the National Counter-Terrorism Committee, was prepared under the Prime Minister’s Order No. 001/03 of 22 January 2025. It highlights figures alleged to have led or financed attacks, recruited fighters, or promoted extremist propaganda targeting Rwanda.
According to the document, those designated are linked to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), Rwanda National Congress (RNC), and the Conseil National pour le Renouveau et la Démocratie – Forces de Libération Nationale (CNRD–FLN), among others.
Below is a list of the cited individuals and the charges against them.
{{1. Lt Gen Gaston Iyamuremye (76)}}
Known also as Victor Byiringiro, he is the president of FDLR, accused of planning and coordinating terror attacks against Rwanda, extorting civilians, and financing terrorism through illegal taxation and mineral smuggling in eastern DRC.
He is listed under UN Resolutions 1533 and 2078 and the U.S. Executive Order 13413.
{{2. Maj Gen Pacifique Ntawunguka (61)}}
Alias Omega, commander of FDLR–FOCA, accused of orchestrating cross-border terrorism, resource plundering, and illegal taxation to fund FDLR operations. He is sanctioned by the UN and U.S. authorities.
{{3. Col Sylvestre Sebahinzi (64)}}
Alias Zinga Zinga ZZ, based in Lusaka, Zambia, and a nephew of former president Juvénal Habyarimana.
He is accused of commanding FDLR terror operations (2006–2009), raising funds in Southern Africa, and overseeing executions in FDLR “kangaroo courts.”
{{4. Maj Alphonse Munyarugendo (59)}}
Alias Monaco Dollar, a long-serving FDLR member, coordinating fundraising and logistics for terror activities in the SADC region from Maputo, Mozambique. He was among the founders of ALIR, precursor to the FDLR.
{{5. Faustin Ntirikina (68)}}
Alias Zigabe Pacifique, a French national of Rwandan origin, found guilty in case No. RP0038/2018/HC/HCI for recruiting youth into terror groups including RUD-Urunana and FLN. He is also accused of masterminding the 2019 Kinigi attacks that killed several civilians.
{{6. Maj Gen Antoine Hakizimana (54)}}
Alias Jeva, military chief of CNRD–FLN, accused of planning and financing the Nyaruguru and Kitabi attacks against Rwanda from his base in Bujumbura, Burundi.
{{7. Eric Munyemana (53)}}
A Belgian national and vice president of FLN, responsible for fundraising and coordination of terrorist operations, according to FIC intelligence reports.
{{8. Dr Innocent Biruka (61)}}
Alias Mitali, secretary general of CNRD–FLN, based in Mulhouse, France.
He was found guilty in the same case as Ntirikina for recruiting youth into the P5 coalition. He also claimed responsibility for the 2018 FLN attack on Yanze model village.
{{9. Gen Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa (67)}}
A founding member of the RNC, living in Pretoria, South Africa, and cited as the architect of grenade attacks in Kigali between 2010 and 2013. He is accused of leading the RNC’s military wing and coordinating terror financing. Court documents link him to FDLR commanders and the UN Group of Experts report (2010).
{{10. Dr Emmanuel Hakizimana (62)}}
A co-founder of RNC, currently in Canada, accused of mobilizing funds and recruiting operatives for RNC and MRCD, another armed opposition group.
{{11. Abdulkarim Ali Nyarwaya (57)}}
Alias Dick Nyarwaya, a UK-based British national, accused of fundraising and supporting P5’s terror campaigns in collaboration with Kayumba Nyamwasa.
{{12. Maj Robert Higiro (55)}}
Alias Gasisi, based in Nairobi, accused of coordinating RNC activities, training recruits, and fundraising for the movement’s operations in the region.
{{13. Frank Ntwali (47)}}
RNC’s representative in Southern Africa, accused of liaising with FDLR and coordinating recruitment and fundraising for RNC’s military operations.
{{14. Ignace Rusagara (39)}}
Spokesperson for RNC in the United States, accused of promoting FDLR objectives, spreading propaganda, and inciting anti-Rwanda sentiments online.
{{15. Jean Paul Turayishimiye (53)}}
A U.S.-based court interpreter and founder of Rwanda Alliance for Change (RAC–Urunana).
He is accused of using his YouTube channel East African Daily to incite terrorism, organize fundraising, and recruit members under the P5 umbrella.
{{16. Gaspard Musabyimana (70)}}
A Belgium-based businessman and founder of Radio Inkingi and musabyimana.net, accused of funding FDLR propaganda and using his media platforms to spread hate speech and justify terror attacks.
{{17. Placide Kayumba (44)}}
Based in Namur, Belgium, accused of forming alliances between FDU–Inkingi and FDLR, and financing terrorism against Rwanda.
{{18. Augustin Munyaneza (62)}}
A Brussels-based taxi driver, alleged to be a sympathizer and fundraiser for FDLR–FOCA and P5 activities targeting Rwanda.
{{19. Michel Niyibizi (69)}}
A teacher in Tournai, Belgium, accused of coordinating fundraising and sanctioning terror plots on behalf of FDLR–FOCA and P5.
{{20. Jonathan Musonera (61)}}
A London-based RNC member, accused of inciting violence and mobilizing funds for RNC’s armed operations, as well as publicly supporting FDLR attacks.
{{21. Dr Theogene Rudasingwa (64)}}
A Washington-based RNC leader, accused of masterminding grenade attacks in Rwanda (2010–2013) and forging the RNC–FDLR collaboration. He is a former senior government official and ambassador.
{{22. Maj Jacques Kanyamibwa (68)}}
Based in Toulouse, France, accused of funding terrorism, recruiting online, and participating in the planning of the 2019 Kinigi attacks in Musanze District.
{{23. Thomas Nahimana (54)}}
Thomas Nahimana is the President of the ISHEMA Party and operator of the Isi n’Ijuru TV YouTube channel.
He is accused of inciting terrorism and coordinating activities with FDLR–FOCA leaders from his base in Le Havre, France.
{{24. Christine Coleman Uwizera (53)}}
A Denver-based pastor and supporter of FLN, accused of inciting violence against Rwanda through her X (Twitter) account, @SOS_Rwanda, and promoting FLN and P5 propaganda.
{{25. Sylvestre Nduwayezu (53)}}
Alias Jet Lee, based in Kampala, Uganda, accused of recruiting fighters, coordinating arms purchases, and planning terror attacks in connection with RUD-Urunana and P5.
Officials say the move reflects Rwanda’s intensified efforts to disrupt terrorist networks and cut off their financing channels, especially those operating abroad.
Analysts note that many of the named individuals have long been under international scrutiny for links to armed groups operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo and neighboring states.
