Author: Nicole Kamanzi Muteteri

  • What’s behind Rwanda’s latest fuel price increase?

    What’s behind Rwanda’s latest fuel price increase?

    These prices replaced the rates introduced in September 2025, when a litre of petrol cost Frw 1,862 and diesel cost Frw 1,808. This means petrol increased by Frw 127 per litre, while diesel rose by Frw 92. Such a significant rise in fuel prices is rare in Rwanda.

    In an interview with IGIHE, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, Antoine Marie Kajangwe, explained that the increase in fuel prices this time is driven by two main factors.

    “To put it simply, the rise was caused by two things. You may recall that in July, the government introduced VAT on petrol prices. Once you add an extra 18% to any product, the price naturally goes up. That is why you saw prices rise,” he said.

    Kajangwe added, “In the past two months, what pushed prices up slightly is that most of our fuel normally transits through Tanzania because fuel transported through the country is cheaper than that transported through Kenya. But due to some recent issues, importers started sourcing fuel through Kenya. Since fuel from Kenya is a bit more expensive, it affects overall prices.”

    Rwanda revises fuel prices every two months. This is because transporting fuel from Arab countries where it is purchased to Kigali typically takes about two months.

    This means global market prices affect Rwanda’s fuel prices with a two-month delay.
    On November 15, 2025, a barrel of oil on the global market was selling at $60.09, down from $64.1 on September 1, 2025.

    Looking at the past two months, this month saw the sharpest drop, with prices ranging between $60.98, $58, and $60.09 since November 1.

    In Rwanda, the retail price of petrol is determined by the international price from the previous two months, the cost of transporting the fuel from the ports of Dar es Salaam or Mombasa to Kigali, the exchange rate, and the VAT applied.

    The Managing Director of Société Pétrolière Ltd (SP), Habimana Claudien, said that sourcing fuel from Kenya is one of the three reasons prices increased.

    He explained, “We used to import most of our petrol through Tanzania, but now we have started importing through Kenya and fuel in Kenya is more expensive. Another reason is the slight increase in prices on the global market.”

    He revealed that at least 99% of fuel imported into Rwanda would be transited through Tanzania. However, delays in offloading ships and security concerns during Tanzania’s recent presidential elections pushed companies to source fuel through Kenya.

    In September 2025, 34% of imported petrol came through Kenya, while Tanzania handled 66%. In October 2025, 87% of fuel came from Tanzania and 13% from Kenya. Overall, fuel imported through Kenya in the past two months rose to 23%, up from just 1%.

    He said, “So you can see that petrol coming through Kenya has increased and since it is more expensive, this contributed to the price increase.”

    Habimana added that although the price of diesel rose to Frw 1,900 per litre, the government introduced a subsidy of Frw 78 per litre.

    He explained, “Without that subsidy, the impact would have been much bigger. You know diesel drives public transport and most goods. The government reduced the tax by Frw 78 per litre. However, there is no subsidy on petrol, which is why petrol is much more expensive.”

    He concluded by saying that despite these challenges, it is important for Rwanda to continue using both transport corridors through Tanzania and Kenya when importing fuel, as this would give the country better flexibility.

    Rwanda revises fuel prices every two months.

    {{What will be the economic impact?}}

    Kajangwe explained that although fuel prices have increased, the government is exploring ways to reduce them in the coming months.

    “There are measures the government is putting in place to see how these prices can be brought down, including looking at how fuel coming through Kenya can become cheaper. We expect that in the next three or four months …” he said.

    Regarding the possibility of a subsidy, Kajangwe said he could not confirm it but noted that the government constantly reviews the situation.

    He highlighted that the rise in fuel prices should not significantly impact the prices of basic commodities because transport costs are not increasing dramatically.

    According to an analysis by the Ministry, transport costs may rise by between Frw 4 and Frw 6 per kilogram for goods brought from the Eastern Province, and between Frw 6 and Frw 8 for goods from Rusizi District.

    “There should not be an impact on general business, and you have seen that public transport fares have not increased. People should not use this as an excuse to raise prices. Often, those who want to take advantage increase prices by Frw 20, Frw 30, or Frw 40 when there is no real justification,” he said.

    However, based on MINICOM’s assessment, if a truck carries five tons of goods meaning 5,000 kilograms the existing transport cost would increase by between Frw 20,000 and Frw 30,000 for goods transported from the Eastern Province, and between Frw 30,000 and Frw 40,000 for those transported from Rusizi. This makes it difficult for transporters to absorb the extra costs since they consume large amounts of diesel.

    Cyprien Musabirema, a truck driver transporting goods from the Southern Province to Kigali, said the situation has already changed because transport costs have risen.

    He explained, “Transport fares have not increased, but the cost of diesel we use has increased significantly. Previously, I used Frw 260,000 for fuel, but now it is about Frw 320,000. That is extra money added, yet the client does not want to adjust the payment. It becomes very complicated, but we accept the loss to avoid losing customers, hoping they will eventually understand.”

    Modetse Nsengiyumva, a motorcycle taxi rider, said the Frw 123 increase in petrol per litre puts them at a loss because customers refuse to pay higher fares.

    He said, “You tell a customer that fuel has increased, and he replies that his salary has not changed.”

    He added that a motorcyclist using petrol at Frw 1,989 per litre cannot make a profit of more than Frw 2,000 a day, yet they have daily needs, including supporting their families.

    Claudien Habimana also noted, “When petrol becomes more expensive but the user’s budget does not increase, he reduces the number of trips he makes. Once trips are reduced, activities are delayed. In that case, people start relying more on phone calls instead of moving around.”

    On the other hand, economic expert Teddy Kaberuka told IGIHE that price increases are inevitable when fuel prices rise.

    He explained, “It is well known that when petrol and diesel prices go up, they affect market prices. A person who transports goods to the market faces higher transport costs. For example, someone who used to use a small truck to bring potatoes must use more diesel, and he cannot absorb that cost.”

    He added that rising prices reduce people’s purchasing power, making them unable to buy the same amount of goods as before.

    Currently, in the East African region, a litre of petrol costs Frw 2,059 in Uganda, Frw 2,069 in Kenya, Frw 1,635 in Tanzania, Frw 1,967 in Burundi, and Frw 1,773 in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

    The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, Antoine Marie Kajangwe, explained that the increase in fuel prices this time is driven by two main factors.
    Economic expert Teddy Kaberuka argues that price increases are inevitable when fuel prices rise.
    In Rwanda, the retail price of petrol is determined by the international price from the previous two months.
  • Iran says West renewing nuclear talks push after “failed” military strikes

    Iran says West renewing nuclear talks push after “failed” military strikes

    Araghchi said the appeals for dialogue were “natural” after Western powers “did not achieve what they were after regarding Iran’s nuclear program through military attacks,” adding that there is no military solution to the dispute.

    He said Iran would not accept negotiations conducted through pressure, saying talks must be based on “reasonable and logical” principles rather than “dictating and bullying.”

    Araghchi said the United States and Israel had failed to meet any of their goals through the latest conflict, adding that while airstrikes could damage nuclear facilities, they could not destroy Iran’s technological capabilities or the resolve of its people. “Our facilities were destroyed, but our technology remains, and our will is even stronger,” he said.

    He said Iran has always been ready for serious negotiations under the right conditions, and reiterated that diplomacy remains “the ultimate solution” for resolving disputes in the region.

    Iran and the United States had held five rounds of indirect, Oman-mediated talks on the nuclear issue and U.S. sanctions relief, and were preparing for a sixth round when Israel launched major airstrikes on June 13 on nuclear and military sites in Iran, killing senior commanders, nuclear scientists, and civilians. On June 22, U.S. forces struck the Iranian nuclear facilities at Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan.

    Iran's Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi said on Sunday that Western governments have renewed calls to resume talks on Tehran's nuclear program after "failing" to achieve their objectives through recent military action.
  • Collaboration with Global South partners allows Africa better representation on world stage — AU official

    Collaboration with Global South partners allows Africa better representation on world stage — AU official

    She made the remarks in an interview with Xinhua on the sidelines of the Global South Media and Think Tank Forum China-Africa Partnership Conference held in South Africa’s Johannesburg on Nov. 13-14.

    {{Media, think tanks play important role}}

    In African nations’ collaboration with other Global South countries, media plays an important role in ensuring people-to-people understanding, while think tanks can serve as a foundation for policy discussions, notably those between Africa and China, the AU official said.

    When media and think tanks are combined, a dynamic force can be achieved to bring together people from research, academia and media, as well as policymakers to “promote understanding of what we want to do in terms of development,” Richer noted.

    She said the Global South Media and Think Tank Forum China-Africa Partnership Conference, jointly hosted by Xinhua News Agency, the AU and South Africa’s Independent Media, among other partners, took place at a key moment amid a shifting global landscape.

    The global order is in transition with centers of economic activity emerging across the Global South, and the demands for fairer representation concerning development and global governance that reflect the realities of the 21st century are growing stronger, according to the AU official.

    In her opinion, the narratives that circulate globally about African countries and people are often shaped elsewhere, filtered through lenses that do not reflect the realities of the continent. These narratives can distort understanding and limit the potential for genuine partnership.

    “The Global South must be partners not only in trade, infrastructure, and diplomacy, but also in storytelling. We must promote balanced narratives that reflect the dignity, diversity, and dynamism of our peoples through people-to-people and institutional exchanges, so that learning flows in both directions and brings our societies closer,” Richer noted.

    {{Global South should be better represented, heard }}

    The G20 Leaders’ Summit is set to take place on Nov. 22 and 23 in Johannesburg. The AU was invited to join the G20 in September 2023. China was the first country to explicitly express its support for the AU’s membership in the G20 — consistent with its support for the AU in playing a greater role in global governance.

    Richer highlighted that the inclusion of Africa through the AU in the G20 is not just symbolic, but also important in making sure Africa has a better representation in today’s multilateral world. Apart from G20, other collaboration mechanisms, including the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, allow Africa to have its voices heard on the international stage.

    “We are now actually in the rooms, but it’s not just about being in the room. It’s about impacting the decisions that are being made with the G20,” the AU official stressed.

    Through the collaboration with China and other Global South partners, Africa can now start using these multilateral platforms to ensure that Africa’s voices are heard and that its interests are clearly understood, she said.

    This helps strengthen the representation of the Global South in multilateral spaces, according to her.

    Advocating global governance reform, she said that the majority of existing international institutions were established at a time when many Global South countries were not independent. “And even when they acquired independence, they were not adequately represented in these governance structures.”

    Taking many global financial institutions, she noted that their governing rules are not designed to favor developing countries, but are actually impeding their development because “they were not designed with our interests in mind.”

    Richer called for building a world that is more inclusive, equitable and peaceful, with development being a right instead of a privilege. The destinies of nations should not be determined by historical inequity, but by cooperation and shared progress, she noted.

     Leslie Richer, director of information and communication at the African Union (AU), has said that through the collaboration with China and other Global South partners, Africa can now use multilateral platforms such as the Group of Twenty (G20) to ensure that Africa's voices are heard and its interests clearly understood.
  • Inside internal divisions that led to the fall of the First Republic of Rwanda

    Inside internal divisions that led to the fall of the First Republic of Rwanda

    However, the fall of the First Republic did little to resolve the underlying issues. Juvénal Habyarimana’s regime, which took power after the coup, perpetuated the same destructive ideologies of ethnic division and exclusion.

    The consequences of these unresolved issues would become tragically clear in the years that followed, as the nation spiraled toward even deeper devastation.

    {{The rise of PARMEHUTU and its internal struggle}}

    According to a book dubbed ‘The History of Rwanda’ co-authored by Paul Rutayisire and Deo Byanafashe, the path to the establishment of PARMEHUTU as Rwanda’s ruling party in the 1960s was marked by political battles.

    Once the party’s primary goal of securing power for the Hutu was achieved, it lost its direction. By October 23, 1966, PARMEHUTU, which had once been a vibrant political force, had devolved into a de facto one-party system, fully integrated into state structures.

    Yet, once the primary opponents to the party, including the Rwandese National Union (UNAR) and the Inyenzi movement were eliminated, cracks began to show.

    The party, no longer unified by an external enemy, was consumed by infighting and internal contradictions. The nation’s leadership, once defined by clear objectives, now seemed rudderless.

    The power struggles within PARMEHUTU came to the forefront, exposing corruption, regionalism, and a lack of internal discipline.

    A report in 1964, commissioned by the President himself, painted a grim picture of the country’s mismanagement: illegal detentions, politicized judicial and administrative systems, and a lack of collaboration between regional authorities. These issues, however, were swept under the rug, as the report was never presented to the National Assembly for debate.

    Habyarimana was the Minister of Defence at the regime of Kayibanda.

    {{Regionalism and the deepening divisions}}

    As PARMEHUTU struggled to maintain its grip on power, regional divisions grew sharper. Tensions between the North and South, as well as between provinces like Butare and Gitarama, escalated, revealing deep-rooted regional rivalries.

    The government was increasingly dominated by a clique of politicians from Gitarama, where President Kayibanda’s power base was strongest.

    By 1972, this concentration of power among a small, loyalist group sparked frustrations, especially among the military, which was largely composed of individuals from the Northern regions.

    This concentration of power and exclusion of other regions was further highlighted by Kayibanda’s final government reshuffle in February 1972.

    Out of 18 ministers, six were from Gitarama, which made up a third of the cabinet, a stark representation of the growing imbalances that contributed to the regime’s downfall.

    President Kayibanda was a friend of Habyarimana, with whom he frequently socialized.

    {{The massacre of the Tutsi }}

    In 1972, President Kayibanda initiated a campaign to rid the country of Tutsis from schools, higher institutions, and public establishments.

    This policy was framed as a continuation of the 1959 Revolution’s objectives, which had promised to eliminate Tutsi in Rwanda’s social, political, and economic spheres.

    By February 1973, a coordinated effort by the government saw lists of “undesirable” Tutsi civil servants posted on notice boards, and Tutsis were systematically purged from various sectors of society.

    This wave of ethnic cleansing, which saw entire families displaced and Tutsi intellectuals targeted, was justified by the government as necessary to address the demographic imbalance between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority.

    Yet, the real reasons behind the persecution were political. Kayibanda and his inner circle sought to consolidate their power and eliminate any opposition within the Tutsi population.

    While the purge targeted Tutsis, it also fractured the unity of PARMEHUTU. The government’s inability to manage the country effectively, paired with widespread dissatisfaction, alienated even Kayibanda’s most loyal supporters.

    President Grégoire Kayibanda’s rule, characterized by deep divisions within both the The Party for Hutu Emancipation (PARMEHUTU) party and the military, was doomed by internal conflicts and alienation of key institutions, leading to its inevitable downfall.

    {{The final blow }}

    The political turmoil and sectarian violence finally reached a boiling point in the summer of 1973.

    The ongoing internal divisions were a tipping point for the military, particularly the northern officers, who began to resent the Gitarama clique’s stranglehold on power.

    On July 5, 1973, the military, led by Defense Minister Juvénal Habyarimana, staged a coup, overthrowing Kayibanda’s government.

    The coup was swift. Kayibanda was arrested and removed from power. He and many of his allies were later imprisoned and reportedly starved to death.

    By the time the coup occurred, the First Republic had already collapsed under the weight of internal divisions.

    However, ethnic divisions persisted under Habyarimana’s leadership, leading to the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, which was halted by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF).

    On July 5, 1973, the military, led by Defense Minister Juvénal Habyarimana, staged a coup, overthrowing Kayibanda’s government.
  • Lack of documents leaves Kenyan mothers and children stranded in Saudi Arabia

    Lack of documents leaves Kenyan mothers and children stranded in Saudi Arabia

    Speaking at a press briefing recently, Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary, Musalia Mudavadi acknowledged the magnitude of the crisis and said the government is pursuing bilateral interventions with Saudi Arabia to repatriate the affected mothers and children.

    The ministry revealed that under a programme called “Mobile Consular Services,” DNA tests have been conducted on 707 individuals, including children, to verify parentage and process birth certificates to enable repatriation.

    A Joint Interdepartmental Working Group (JIWG), formed in January 2025 and including the Kenyan Embassy as well as Saudi ministries of Foreign Affairs, Labour, Interior and the General Directorate of Passports, is assisting these efforts.

    So far, the process has resulted in the safe repatriation of 59 mothers and 73 children.

    The plight of these families is rooted in legal and administrative difficulties.

    Kenya’s law allows for registration of births abroad, but Saudi Arabia’s legal regime requires a marriage certificate to issue a birth certificate, and strong penalties apply for extramarital sex.

    It is reported that many Kenyan single mothers, fearful of legal consequences, deliver children at home and avoid hospitals, leaving children undocumented and vulnerable.

    The Kenyan government has also noted that more than 400 Kenyans have been lured abroad by recruitment agents promising lucrative jobs in countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia and Myanmar, only to find themselves stranded, trafficked or forced into unpaid labour.

    The foreign ministry emphasised that stranded mothers should engage with Kenyan diplomatic missions in Riyadh and Jeddah or the State Department for Diaspora Affairs in Nairobi to regularise their status and secure documentation for their children.

    The government also reminded Kenyan parents abroad to register births of children abroad in order to protect their rights.

    Riyadh is the capital and largest city of Saudi Arabia
  • DRC, M23 sign framework agreement for peace deal in Qatar

    DRC, M23 sign framework agreement for peace deal in Qatar

    This peace agreement is seen as a significant step forward in the ongoing efforts to stabilize the region, which has been plagued by violence for over two decades.

    The Permanent Secretary of AFC/M23, Benjamin Mbonimpa, explained that the framework signed by both parties in Qatar on November 15, 2025, consists of eight implementation protocols aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict in the DRC.

    Mbonimpa stated that each protocol will be discussed progressively until all its components are fully respected, and that a timeline has been established for discussions on each protocol.

    He noted that only after both sides have addressed the issues outlined in all the protocols will AFC/M23 and the Government of the DRC sign a comprehensive peace agreement.

    Among the protocols is one focused on cooperation to restore state institutions and public services in the eastern part of the country, a process to be carried out in phases and through collaboration between the Government of the DRC and the AFC/M23 coalition.

    The second concerns a mutual agreement between the Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 to adopt temporary security measures aimed at maintaining public calm and protecting civilians.

    The Government of the DRC and AFC/M23 also agreed to establish an independent national commission responsible for promoting truth, reconciliation, accountability for crimes, and planning the reconstruction of damaged infrastructure.

    The signing ceremony was attended by Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Mohammed bin Abdulaziz bin Saleh Al-Khulaifi, and Massad Boulos, the Advisor to the President of the United States on African Partnerships.

    DRC AND M23 have signed framework agreement for peace deal in Qatar.
  • Trump ends endorsement of longtime ally Marjorie Taylor Greene

    Trump ends endorsement of longtime ally Marjorie Taylor Greene

    In a post on his social platform, Trump wrote: “I am withdrawing my support and endorsement of Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, of the great state of Georgia.”

    He added that while he is willing to back a challenger in her district if one emerges, Greene will not receive his endorsement unless she changes course.

    The relationship had already been strained. Greene has recently diverged from Trump and other Republicans on several issues: she criticised the president’s prioritisation of foreign affairs over domestic issues, joined efforts pushing for the release of files connected to the late sex‑offender Jeffrey Epstein, and publicly challenged aspects of Trump’s policy agenda.

    Trump, in his message, accused Greene of spending months simply complaining rather than contributing constructively, saying: “all I see ‘Wacky’ Marjorie do is COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN, COMPLAIN!” He also referenced a leaked poll he shared with her that showed her at only 12% support in a hypothetical Senate or gubernatorial run arguing she lacked electoral viability without his backing.

    Greene responded on social media, stating that Trump “just attacked me and lied about me.” She released screenshots of a message she claims she sent to Trump urging him to release files related to Epstein, suggesting that was the tipping point in his decision. She further asserted that Trump’s move was meant as a warning to other Republicans ahead of a vote on those very files.

    Political analysts say the split is important for several reasons. First, it underlines Trump’s enduring influence within the GOP; he still controls endorsements and can make or break careers in his base.

    Second, it suggests he may be repositioning his network of allies heading into the next election cycle, favouring those he views as more disciplined or electorally viable.

    Third, for Greene the rift raises questions about her future at a time when some of her former supporters may look elsewhere.

    U.S. President Donald Trump has publicly severed his support for Georgia Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, once a stalwart ally of his “Make America Great Again” movement.
  • Rwandans granted visa-free entry to Liberia

    Rwandans granted visa-free entry to Liberia

    This announcement was made in a statement signed on November 11, addressed to all officers of the Liberia Immigration Service (LIS).

    According to Rwanda Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, the move allows Rwandans to travel in and out of Liberia without prior visa requirements, following a reciprocal agreement signed between the two countries on September 10, 2025, in Monrovia, the capital city of Liberia.

    The agreement establishes a Joint Permanent Commission of Cooperation and a Reciprocal Visa Waiver between Liberia and Rwanda.

    This move is expected to boost bilateral relations and create new opportunities for cooperation between the two countries.

    During the signing ceremony, Rwanda was represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Nduhungirehe Olivier, who was on a visit aimed at fostering relations with Liberia, while Liberia was represented by its Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sara Beysolow Nyanti.

    Rwanda and Liberia share a strong relationship, especially through collaboration between the legislative bodies of the two countries.

    Rwanda’s universities and higher learning institutions also host students from Liberia, among other areas of cooperation.

    {{What you should know about Liberia}}

    Liberia is a country located in West Africa with a unique history, culture, and many opportunities.
    It is one of the early African countries to gain independence, in 1847.

    The country has an area of 111,369 km² and a population of approximately 5.7 million people. It is led by President Joseph Boakai.

    Liberia was founded by former slaves from the United States, which gives it a distinctive historical connection between Africa and America. This connection has influenced the foundation of its culture, politics, and societal structure, making it unique in Africa.

    Liberia uses English as its official language, though there are 20 other indigenous languages spoken across the country.

    The country is rich in natural resources, including forests, minerals, gold, palm oil, fertile land, and more. Its economy grew by 4% in 2024. Liberia uses its own currency, with 1,000 Liberian dollars being equivalent to approximately Frw 7,900-8,000.

    Monrovia, the capital, has a major port that facilitates international trade, especially with countries bordering the Indian Ocean and the Atlantic Ocean.

    Liberia’s decision to lift the visa requirement for Rwandans, opened up new avenues for travel and trade between the two nations.

    During the signing ceremony held recently, Rwanda was represented by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation, Nduhungirehe Olivier while Liberia was represented by its Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sara Beysolow Nyanti.
  • Congolese army launches drone strikes on Banyamulenge

    Congolese army launches drone strikes on Banyamulenge

    The strikes reportedly aimed at killing members of the Banyamulenge community who have been living in a camp for internally displaced people in the area.

    Moïse Nyarugabo, a politician from the Banyamulenge ethnic group, explained that the attacks took place at 2:00 AM on November 15, 2025.

    “On November 15, 2025, at 2:00 a.m., Tshisekedi’s drones bombed the village of Mikenke, a village inhabited by civilians and home to a camp for displaced Banyamulenge people whose villages have been burned. The toll has not yet been established, but certainly, there are civilians who must have been affected,” he said.

    Nyarugabo confirmed that reliable information indicates that DRC forces, along with forces from Burundi, Wazalendo, and the FDLR, are present in areas such as Point-Zéro, Mikalati, Kigazura, Marunde, Kipupu, Rugezi, and Mukoko, with plans to launch further attacks in Minembwe and Mikenke, areas inhabited by the Banyamulenge.

    “Two generals, one from Congo and another from Burundi, are in that area preparing for these major attacks. Unless there is a last-minute change of plans, in the coming hours or days, those who survive the Sukhoi and drone attacks will face further bombardment from enemies of peace,” he noted.

    Since 2017, the Banyamulenge in South Kivu province have faced continuous attacks from a coalition of armed groups supported by the DRC government.

    The MRDP Twirwaneho group, which defends the rights of Banyamulenge, disclosed, on November 6, that more than 328,000 people have been displaced over the past eight years.

    Over 550 villages, nearly 140 schools, 41 health centers, and over 126 churches have been destroyed. Additionally, over 500,000 cattle have been looted.

    The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) have launched drone strikes in the Mikenke area, located in the Mwenga territory of South Kivu province.
  • The day Rwanda was assigned to Germany at the Berlin Conference

    The day Rwanda was assigned to Germany at the Berlin Conference

    The Berlin Conference, which took place from November 15, 1884, to February 26, 1885, marked a pivotal moment in this transformation. As European nations scrambled to divide Africa among themselves, Rwanda, like many of its neighbors, was caught in the web of imperialism.

    It was during this conference that Rwanda’s fate was sealed on November 15, 1884, with the country being placed under German control.

    The effects of this decision were far-reaching. Rwanda had never experienced massacres between its inhabitants before the German, and then Belgian colonization, which following the Berlin Conference from, led to the signing of the General Act for the Partition of Africa among Western powers.

    Rwanda was assigned to the German zone. Then, Germany, England, and Belgium agreed to reduce Rwanda’s borders, annexing Rwandan territories to the Belgian Congo and Uganda.

    The Berlin Conference led to the signing of the General Act for the Partition of Africa among Western powers.

    {{The spark of colonization}}

    The Berlin Conference, hosted by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck of Germany, was convened with one purpose: to regulate European colonization and trade in Africa.

    The conference saw representatives from 14 European powers, including Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, Germany, and Italy, come together to formalize their claims to African territories.

    The conference was governed by what came to be known as the Berlin Act (1885), a document that set the rules for colonization. It called for European powers to notify each other of their territorial claims and to establish effective occupation. Africa, which had long been home to thriving civilizations, was now a pawn in European geopolitics.

    Rwanda, along with Burundi, was assigned to Germany as part of the larger German East Africa protectorate, which also included present-day Tanzania. This marked the beginning of a dramatic shift in the region’s trajectory.

    The effects of the Berlin Conference were far-reaching, especially in Rwanda. The decision to place Rwanda under German rule was not simply a matter of territorial control; it marked the beginning of a colonial era that would fundamentally alter the country’s social, economic, and political structures.

    During this time, Rwanda was ruled under the reign of King Kigeli IV Rwabugiri, who was placed in a position of limited authority by the Germans.

    His power was undermined by the colonial administration, which took full control over the economy and governance. The imposition of European rule created tension between the local monarchy and the colonial powers.

    Rwanda was assigned to Germany during the Berlin Conference.

    {{The collapse of German control}}

    While Germany’s rule over Rwanda was relatively short-lived, it had significant lasting effects on the country. World War I (1914-1918) played a key role in shifting Rwanda’s colonial allegiance. In 1916, as Germany was embroiled in the war in Europe, Belgian forces took over the German colonies in Africa, including Rwanda.

    According to the book ‘The History of Rwanda’ published by the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission cyasohowe in 2016, written under the supervision of Paul Rutayisire and Déo Byanafashe, [the last German soldiers left Kigali by May 5, 1916. ->https://en.igihe.com/history/article/the-day-the-last-german-soldier-fled-kigali-during-world-war-i]

    After the war, as indicated by the United Nations, the League of Nations granted Belgium a mandate over the territory of Rwanda, then called Ruanda-Urundi, on October 20, 1924, making them Belgian colonies.

    The change from German to Belgian control marked a new chapter in Rwanda’s colonial history. On January 1, 1932, Belgium introduced ethnic identity cards, where the colonial administration deepened its involvement in Rwanda’s social structures, solidifying the divide between the Tutsi and Hutu populations.

    Rwanda was initially under German colonial rule before the Germans were eventually driven out of the country.

    {{Rwanda’s path to independence}}

    Rwanda’s colonial history, shaped first by Germany and later by Belgium, left enduring scars on the nation. Beginning in 1917, Belgium implemented sweeping reforms to Rwanda’s customary institutions, introducing labor legislation that included harsh corporal punishments.

    During this period, the racist political party PARMEHUTU emerged, rising to power through a well-coordinated massacre of Tutsi people starting on November 2, 1959.

    To secure PARMEHUTU’s dominance, Belgium sent Colonel Guy Logiest to Rwanda as Special Military Resident, granting him full administrative authority. Once Belgium was confident that PARMEHUTU had consolidated its hold on the political landscape, it granted Rwanda independence in July 1962. However, independence brought neither peace nor stability.

    Between 1959 and 1962, the country endured a series of unpunished massacres, including the killing of more than 2,000 Tutsi in Byumba Prefecture in March 1962.

    In December 1963, a more systematic genocide targeting the Tutsi was orchestrated with Belgium’s support. Some diplomats, missionaries, international cooperation staff, as well as the French, Belgian, and British press, along with the Vatican, described these killings as genocide.

    The deep social and political rifts created by the colonial system continued to plague the country, ultimately culminating in the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi.

    This tragic chapter was brought to an end by the intervention of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA).

    The Berlin Conference ook place from November 15, 1884, to February 26, 1885.
    On January 1, 1932, Belgium introduced ethnic identity cards, where the colonial administration deepened its involvement in Rwanda’s social structures, solidifying the divide between the Tutsi and Hutu populations.