According to a joint stament released by Qatar Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the meeting which took place in Qatar on March 18, 2025, welcomed the progress made in the Luanda and Nairobi processes, and the joint the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) summit in Dar es Salaam on February 8, 2025.
A photo released by Qatar showed Sheikh Tamim seated between the two presidents, with President Kagame on the left and President Tshisekedi on the right.
The statement emphasized the commitment of the countries involved to cease hostilities without further delay, as previously agreed at the said summit.
“The Heads of State then agreed on the need to continue the discussions initiated in Doha in order to establish solid foundations for lasting peace as envisioned in the Luanda/Nairobi process, now merged and/or aligned,” reads part of the statement.
According to the statement, President Kagame and Tshisekedi Tshilombo, thanked the State of Qatar and Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar, for their hospitality and for organizing this fruitful meeting, ‘which helped build confidence in a shared commitment to a secure and stable future for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the region’.
Qatar has gained recognition as a mediator in several global conflicts, most recently collaborating with Egypt and the United States to address the ongoing war between Hamas and Gaza.
The meeting between the two leaders was previously undisclosed and surprised many.
Although talks between both parties had been planned for Qatar in January 2023, they were initially canceled when the DRC side refused to participate, citing other commitments. At that time, President Tshisekedi had also declined a meeting with President Kagame, despite a request from French President Macron.
President Kagame had recently stated that if he were to meet with President Tshisekedi again, he would tell him that he was not fit to lead the DRC.
Kagame also expressed his frustration with Tshisekedi’s approach to discussions, saying that agreements made during talks are often reversed or forgotten soon after.
“These negotiations will begin immediately in the Middle East”, said the statement, noting the two leaders agreed that the three-year Ukraine conflict needs to end with a lasting peace.
Trump and Putin also stressed the need for improved U.S.-Russia bilateral relations, said the statement.
Mali had been suspended from the OIF in August 2020 after a military coup ousted President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita.
The OIF had called for Keita’s release and the establishment of a civilian-led transition government amidst the country’s ongoing crisis.
In a similar stance, Burkina Faso and Niger, both also governed by military juntas, announced their departure from the OIF.
These countries, which have distanced themselves from France and strengthened ties with Russia, have also left the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to create their own Sahel confederation.
The OIF, based in Paris, works to promote the French language and foster cooperation in various sectors among its 93 member states.
Since Belgium began colonizing Rwanda in 1917, it implemented several oppressive policies that divided Rwandans. Among them was the introduction of forced labor punishments known as “ikiboko,” which involved caning individuals who failed to complete their assigned labor.
In 1930, Belgium introduced identity cards that classified Rwandans into artificial ethnic groups. These identity cards later played a key role in the Genocide against the Tutsi, as they were used to identify those targeted for killing.
The 1978 Constitution and other laws enacted between 1962 and 1994 institutionalized discrimination. For example, these laws stipulated that Tutsi should not exceed 10% of government positions, while Hutu were allocated 89% and Batwa only 1%, based on demographic proportions.
Minister Dr. Bizimana told RBA that “a constitution that reinforces discrimination and divisions is extremely harmful. It was influenced by the Belgians, who strongly supported Habyarimana’s government and political parties in their country.”
He pointed out that in 1946, when Belgium was given the mandate to govern Rwanda, it was supposed to develop the country in all aspects and prepare it for independence. However, it failed to do so.
“Belgium should humble itself and acknowledge the truth—that it is the root cause of Rwanda’s problems. From the moment it signed agreements with the United Nations in 1946 to lead Rwanda to independence, improve living standards, uphold human rights, and provide quality education, it failed in all these aspects and instead introduced ethnic divisions,” he stated.
After Juvénal Habyarimana overthrew Kayibanda in 1973, Belgium continued to support him and helped him draft laws that entrenched discrimination.
He added, “The Belgians helped Habyarimana draft the 1978 Constitution, providing him with two advisors: Filip Reyntjens and René de Wolf, who wrote the Constitution. This Constitution explicitly supported the ethnic-based ideology of Parmehutu.”
This Constitution described the “revolution” of 1959 and Habyarimana’s rise to power as a “cultural revolution” and mandated that they be regarded as fundamental principles in Rwanda’s history and laws.
It also stated that Rwandan refugees living abroad would be governed by laws set by Rwanda, even though the 1966 laws explicitly denied refugees and those exiled to Bugesera and Rukumberi the right to return home or reclaim their properties.
Kayibanda, who operated under Belgium’s influence, even issued directives prohibiting judges from accepting legal claims from refugees or their families regarding property restitution.
Minister Bizimana remarked, “This injustice was embedded in the Constitution drafted by a Belgian legal expert, who was paid with Belgian cooperation funds.”
Article 7 of the Belgian-drafted Constitution established the MRND as the sole political party, forcing every Rwandan to be a member without choice.
In February 2025, Rwanda terminated its development cooperation agreements with Belgium after the latter took sides in the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and engaged in propaganda aimed at isolating Rwanda from international aid.
On March 17, 2025, Rwanda decided to sever diplomatic ties with Belgium due to its historical role in Rwanda’s suffering and its ongoing actions against the country.
According to Africa Intelligence, which cites close sources, Kabila, absent from the DRC since the 2023 general elections, spent a few days in Kampala before departing for Nairobi on March 14.
While the purpose of his visit remains unclear, reports suggest he met with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni to discuss the political and security situation in the DRC.
This visit comes at a time of rising tensions in the region and increasing diplomatic pressure on Kabila’s successor, Félix Tshisekedi.
In recent weeks, Kabila has stepped back into the political spotlight, publishing an op-ed in the Sunday Times on February 23 and granting an interview to Namibia’s NBC News, where he expressed his readiness to “serve the country.”
While there is no confirmed meeting between Kabila and Nangaa, authorities in Kinshasa suspect the former president of aiding collaborations between the opposition leader and the M23 rebels.
The three-month COP2025 outreach activities are part of Kwibohora 31. It is held under the theme: “Rwanda Citizens in Partnership with Defence and Security Organs celebrating Kwibohora 31, and 25 years of RNP contribution to National Development.”
The countrywide human security initiatives will focus mainly on providing free medical services, heifer; construction of houses for the disadvantaged families, constructing roads connecting communities, extending clean water to remote communities, construction of Early Childhood Development (ECD) centres, and environmental protection.
The Minister of Infrastructure, Dr. Jimmy Gasore and Inspector General of Police (IGP), CG Felix Namuhoranye launched the initiatives in Cyanika, Burera District, where they handed over a dummy cheque of Frw10 million to a cooperative of former smugglers.
In Rulindo District, the Minister of Local Government, Dr. Patrice Mugenzi alongside the RDF Army Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi, officially launched the construction of a 2.5km water supply system to Cyinzuzi Health Center and neighbouring communities.
The Minister of Health, Dr Sabin Nsanzimana together with the RDF Medical Health Service Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Dr Ephrem Rurangwa, launched the COP25 activities in Nyagatare District will focus on the provision of medical services, including orthopedics, general surgery, urology, ENT, dental, ophthalmology, dermatology, gynecology and obstetrics, internal medicine, pediatrics and family planning.
In Nyabihu District, the Minister of Interior, Dr. Vincent Biruta accompanied by the Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIGP) in Charge of Administration and Personnel, DCG Jeanne Chantal Ujeneza launched the construction of ECDs.
The launch of COP25 in City of Kigali was presided over by the Minister of State for Education, Claudette Irere together with the Deputy IGP in Charge of Operations, Vincent Sano, while the RDF Reserve Force Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Alex Kagame and the Executive Secretary of the Southern Province Nshimiyimana Vedaste, launched the construction of 10 houses for disadvantaged families in Nyanza District, Muyira Sector.
Despite the severed ties, many are questioning the future of Belgian-led initiatives in Rwanda, including schools, businesses, and transportation services.
Speaking to RBA, Alain Mukurarinda, Rwanda’s Deputy Government Spokesperson, reassured the public that certain activities would continue to operate to avoid disruptions for beneficiaries.
“For instance, regarding the École Belge de Kigali, the academic year is already in progress and will conclude in June 2025. There should be no issue for students finishing this school year. The diplomatic break applies to embassies, not students or Belgian teachers, who make up about 90% of the school’s staff. Regular school employees were not expelled, so students will be able to complete the academic year.”
Mukurarinda added that while Belgium previously provided financial support to the school, the existing budget is expected to sustain operations for the remainder of the academic year. A long-term solution will be explored if diplomatic ties remain severed.
Regarding travel and trade, Mukurarinda noted that RwandAir flights to Belgium and Brussels Airlines flights to Rwanda may continue, though some aspects of operations could be affected.
“Belgium’s economic interests in Rwanda do not vanish overnight. Even with our historical ties, it is impossible to completely sever all relations,” he explained.
Mukuralinda further elucidated that many businesses operate independently of diplomatic agreements, where Belgian companies and investors will likely continue their activities in Rwanda
Before the diplomatic rift, Rwanda’s ambassador to Belgium also represented the country at the European Union, given that the EU headquarters is in Brussels. With the shift, Rwanda has reassigned these responsibilities to its ambassador in Germany.
Mukurarinda emphasized that the decision to cut ties with Belgium was not made lightly but was preceded by multiple warnings. He pointed to Belgium’s one-sided stance on regional tensions between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as a key factor in the decision.
“The DRC has its narrative, and Rwanda has its own. Belgium, having colonized both countries, is well aware of their histories, including how borders were drawn and ethnic identities recorded. Given this knowledge, Belgium should not take one side while dismissing Rwanda’s concerns,” he stated.
Rwanda views Belgium’s approach as unacceptable, especially as Belgium has continued to impose economic and diplomatic pressure on Rwanda while disregarding Kigali’s perspective.
Tensions escalated when Belgium refused to accept Rwanda’s newly appointed ambassador due to his past assignments in the DRC and South Africa, despite the fact that he had no criminal record or legal charges against him. In response, Rwanda rejected Belgium’s designated ambassador.
In February 2025, Rwanda officially terminated its cooperation agreements with Belgium, canceling development projects worth €95 million (approximately RWF 140 billion) that had been planned for 2024-2029. The remaining €80 million (RWF 118 billion) in project funds will no longer be implemented.
Mukurarinda criticized Belgium’s persistent efforts to isolate Rwanda by urging international organizations and financial institutions to impose sanctions.
“While Belgium aggressively lobbies for Rwanda’s isolation, pushing for development sanctions and penalties, where do they place Rwanda’s concerns?” he questioned.
He stressed that Rwanda had made repeated diplomatic efforts to resolve these issues with Belgium, but Brussels remained uncooperative. Consequently, Rwanda saw no reason to maintain what it viewed as a deceptive and hypocritical relationship.
Mukurarinda urged Rwandans to support the government’s decision, emphasizing that the move was necessary to safeguard Rwanda’s sovereignty.
The talks were organized under the mediation of Angolan President João Lourenço, who also serves as the Chairperson of the African Union (AU).
However, just a day before the scheduled discussions, AFC/M23 issued an official statement signed by political spokesperson, Lawrence Kanyuka, declaring its withdrawal, citing international sanctions and ongoing military actions by the Kinshasa government as key reasons.
In the statement released on March 17, 2025, the group expressed frustration over what it described as deliberate efforts to obstruct the negotiations.
“The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) deeply regrets that certain international institutions are deliberately undermining peace efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo and obstructing the much-anticipated talks,” the statement reads.
AFC/M23 particularly pointed to the latest sanctions imposed on its members, stating that these measures have hindered the credibility of the negotiations.
“Successive sanctions imposed on our members, including those enacted on the eve of the Luanda discussions, severely undermine direct dialogue and make any progress impossible,” the group declared.
Additionally, the statement accused President Félix Tshisekedi’s administration of continuing military aggression against AFC/M23 forces and civilian areas.
“This incomprehensible and ambiguous stance only encourages Mr. Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo to continue with his warmongering program,” the statement claimed.
The group further alleged that the Kinshasa regime and its allies were responsible for indiscriminate attacks on both civilian areas and AFC/M23 positions, utilizing heavy artillery and aerial bombardments.
“AFC/M23 draws the attention of the International and National Community to the warmongering campaign of the coalition forces of Kinshasa regime through multiple ground attacks and indiscriminate bombardments of densely populated areas as well as our positions, using fighter jets and CH-4 combat drones,” the statement added.
Given these circumstances, AFC/M23 announced that it could no longer take part in the peace talks. “Under these circumstances, the talks have become impracticable. Consequently, our organisation can no longer continue to participate in the discussions,” the statement concluded.
The decision came just hours after AFC/M23 had initially confirmed sending a five-member delegation to Angola to represent the group in the negotiations.
Meanwhile, the Congolese government had also confirmed its participation, with a delegation led by Transport Minister Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former Minister of Defense and leader of the armed group Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC).
With the collapse of these talks, the future of peace efforts in eastern DRC remains uncertain, as both sides continue to trade accusations over the ongoing hostilities.
Beneath its rolling hills lies a wealth of minerals that have become critical to the country’s economic ambitions.
The nation is endowed with high-value minerals, including Wolfram, Cassiterite, and Coltan—essential components in the production of aerospace equipment, military technology, and consumer electronics.
These minerals are in high demand globally, positioning Rwanda as a key player in the supply chain of strategic raw materials.
Mining has long been a cornerstone of Rwanda’s economic development, and today, the sector is expanding rapidly.
Annual mineral production ranges between 8,000 and 10,000 tons, and with the government’s push for modernization and investment, the industry continues to attract both local and international stakeholders.
A visit to several mining sites across the country provides a glimpse into the scale of these operations, where mining companies are extracting and refining minerals to meet both local and international demand.
Among the many licensed mining operations, several sites stand out in terms of production and employment.
The Nyakabingo mine in Rulindo, the Rukaragata mine in Ngororero, the Mwurire-Nzige-Rubona mines in Rwamagana, and the Bashyamba mine in Nyarugenge collectively produce around 2,000 tons of minerals annually.
These operations employ nearly 5,000 workers, supporting thousands of families and making mining one of the most impactful industries in the country.
{{A sector driven by investment and innovation}}
Mining in Rwanda is capital-intensive, with investors injecting millions of dollars into exploration, machinery, and infrastructure to improve efficiency.
Trinity Metals, which operates the Nyakabingo mine, has invested over $40 million in its operations, while Power M, which runs the Rukaragata site, has allocated significant resources to mechanizing its processes.
With a combination of surface and underground mining techniques, these companies are ensuring that Rwanda’s mineral reserves remain productive for decades to come.
Studies indicate that, if managed efficiently, these deposits could sustain mining activities for at least 50 years.
The growth of the sector is not only benefiting investors but also transforming the lives of workers.
For many miners, the industry has provided financial stability and opportunities to improve their standard of living.
Twizerimana Jean Claude, a miner at the Bashyamba site, shared how his work has enabled him to build a future.
“When I started working here, I earned Frw 94,000 in my first week. The following week, I was paid Frw 114,000. In two weeks, my lowest pay was Frw 190,000. When mining conditions are good, I can earn up to Frw 800,000 in 15 days,” he said.
Similarly, Yankurije Betty, who has worked at the Rukaragata mine for seven years, described how mining has helped her achieve financial independence.
“In these seven years, I have achieved so much. Before, I had no money, but now I pay for my children’s education, built a house, bought two cows, and acquired land worth Frw 600,000,” she explained.
{{Economic contribution}}
The impact of mining extends beyond individual workers to the national economy. According to the Rwanda Mining Board, mineral exports generated over $1.1 billion in 2023, marking a 43% increase from the previous year.
The National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda further reported that as of January 2025, mineral output had risen by 4.3% compared to the same period in 2024.
Despite Rwanda’s established mineral wealth, external claims have occasionally questioned the country’s reserves, suggesting that significant mineral deposits lie just beyond its borders.
However, geological research strongly disputes this. Ray Power, a British investor and owner of Power M in Ngororero, as well as Power Resources International, a coltan refinery in Bugesera, dismissed these claims.
According to him, minerals do not have borders given that the region shares the same geological characteristics.
He further revealed that a 600-meter section of his mining site contains deposits that could be extracted for the next 16 years using modern techniques.
The Kibaran-Angolan Belt, a mineral-rich geological formation, runs through Rwanda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Angola, Zambia, and the Central African Republic, further confirming the country’s resource potential.
Donat Nsengumuremyi, the Division Manager of the Mining Extraction and Inspection Division at the Rwanda Mining Board, reinforced this point.
“Rwanda has abundant mineral resources because it is situated within the Kibaran Belt, right at its core. If we are at the center, that means we have significant deposits. There is still a long way to go in terms of exploration,” he said.
He also noted that while Rwanda has made remarkable progress in mining, the sector is still in its early stages of deep exploration.
“Unlike other countries that have drilled up to two kilometers deep, Rwanda has yet to reach even one kilometer in depth,” he added.
{{Investing in research and mineral processing}}
To ensure sustainable growth, Rwanda has invested in mining education and research. Since 2015, the University of Rwanda has expanded its mining program, increasing the number of trained geologists and mining engineers.
These efforts have been critical in ensuring compliance with environmental and safety regulations while optimizing production processes.
Beyond tin, tungsten, and tantalum, Rwanda is also home to gold, lithium, gemstones, and sapphire, particularly in the Western Province.
Ongoing studies continue to map and quantify these resources, further solidifying Rwanda’s standing in the global mining industry.
A major focus for Rwanda is increasing local mineral processing capacity. The government aims to refine 80% of extracted minerals domestically by 2029, up from the current 40%.
This shift is expected to reduce reliance on raw mineral exports while strengthening the country’s industrial sector.
Investments in key refineries such as Gasabo Gold Refinery, LuNa Smelter, and Power Resources International Ltd are already improving Rwanda’s ability to process gold, tin, and coltan.
In addition, a three-year geological survey is underway to assess high-potential mining areas, with a focus on lithium, gold, cassiterite, and coltan—minerals that are highly sought after in global markets.
With continued investment and strategic policy improvements, Rwanda aims to increase the mining sector’s contribution to the economy to $2.2 billion by 2029.
This decision was part of the resolutions from the 173rd General Assembly of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Rwanda, which took place from March 11 to March 14, 2025.
The meeting brought together various bishops and was led by Antoine Cardinal Kambanda, the Archbishop of Kigali and President of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Rwanda. It was attended by bishops from all nine Catholic dioceses in the country.
During the assembly, the bishops discussed several issues, including the closure of churches across the country due to non-compliance with government regulations. They also reviewed the new directives issued by the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) concerning faith-based organizations.
Additionally, the meeting addressed the restructuring of the commissions and services of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference, along with other important matters affecting the Church.
Following discussions on the closure of churches, the bishops noted that some have remained closed for seven months despite having fulfilled the necessary requirements. They resolved to once again appeal to the relevant authorities to allow these churches to reopen.
Furthermore, they committed to continued dialogue with government institutions to ensure a better understanding and implementation of the new regulations governing religious organizations.
The Catholic Church’s request aligns with similar concerns raised by other religious denominations operating in Rwanda. Many churches, mosques, and other places of worship that were previously shut down have expressed frustration, stating that they have met the required standards but remain closed.
This issue was also highlighted by Sheikh Mussa Sindayigaya, the Mufti of Rwanda and Vice President of the Rwanda Interfaith Council (RIC), during a public meeting with President Paul Kagame at BK Arena on Sunday, March 16, 2025.
Sheikh Sindayigaya requested the President to consider reopening places of worship that now comply with government regulations, emphasizing that religious institutions should be allowed to operate if they meet the necessary requirements.
In August 2024, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB) revealed that out of the more than 13,000 places of worship that underwent inspections, approximately 59.3% were shut down for failing to meet compliance standards.
As 2025 progresses, various religious organizations have made it a priority to ensure that their closed places of worship meet the required criteria so they can resume their activities.
