Author: IGIHE

{Have you ever thought of how much your mother is worth? What would you give in exchange for your mom? Whether she is still alive or is only now in your memory, most of us could never put a value on the importance of her influence in our lives. It’s hard to believe that 303,000 mothers die every year from pregnancy complications—most of these complications are preventable and most of these deaths are in the developing world. }

In East Africa alone, 32,000 mothers die every year. Rwanda is not exempt from the unnecessary death of mothers. Babies often die when their mothers die and young children are left alone without a mother to care for them. This also makes them more likely to suffer or die from preventable causes. So how do we stop this tragedy from ruining the lives of so many women, children and their families? That is why the Save the Mothers program was born in East Africa—to raise indigenous leaders who will bring real change so that mothers’ and children’s lives are saved.

Here is how it works: Save the Mothers (STM) offers a Masters of Public Health Leadership Program(MPHL) at the Uganda Christian University. The program began in 2005 and is unlike any other in the world with its focus on educating leaders with a focus of maternal and child health in public health. We believe that universal access to quality maternal care in pregnancy and childbirth is a basic human right.

To make this vision a reality, in 2005 STM launched its first program, a Masters of Public Health Leadership, at Uganda Christian University (UCU), near Uganda’s capital, Kampala; In 2011, in an effort to further reduce maternal mortality throughout East Africa, the first International MPHL class began in 2011, welcoming students from across East Africa, including Rwanda. With small class sizes in a modular format, these working professionals study on a part-time, modular basis over two years (4 weeks at a time, twice at year, for two years- a total of 4 modules,) learning why mothers in their countries are dying, how they can make a difference through their spheres of influence. They complete the program with an intensive outreach project that challenges them to re-enter their sphere of influence and prove that their newfound skills will make a difference. The program is designed so participants can continue to work while studying.

STM is recognized as a groundbreaking program because of how it links leaders from various disciplines to form a network for lasting societal change. It is built on the truth that maternal mortality is not just a medical issue, but a societal problem. This is not a woman’s issue; This is a development issue. STM’s founders realized this early, that the need is to train not just health workers, but politicians, journalists, lawyers, educators, clergy, community activists and other leaders.

Most recently, Save the Mothers launched its Mother Baby Friendly Hospital Initiative, linking STM graduates to existing health facilities, thus ensuring higher standards of care for women and children, and accountability for health professionals. Through resource distribution, clinical mentorship and of course our Leaders in Safe Motherhood, these facilities are able to better maternal health for the women and families that they serve.

Since 2005, more than 440 East African leaders have come through the program; these professionals have returned to their communities across countries to share their experiences and knowledge of Safe Motherhood- creating a network of Maternal Health Advocates throughout East Africa. These Game-Changers are truly making a difference in reducing Maternal Mortality, and making Safe Motherhood a possibility for all women. We continue to seek motivated individuals— from Rwanda and across East Africa—to join us in this Master of Public Health Leadership Program to make sure “That no mother or child should die from preventable causes related to pregnancy and childbirth”.

For more information, please contact:

Home

savethemothers@ucu.ac.ug

Executive Director-Dr. Jean Chamberlain: jchamber@mcmaster.ca + (256) 782 105 445

Academic Director- Dr. Justus Barageine:barageinej@gmail.com + (256) 0702 454 869

Communications Director-Teopista Agutu: agutu.topi@gmail.com + (256) 0772 311498,

{{1) General Jacques Lanxade}}

He was the Special Chief of Staff of President Francois Mitterrand from April 1989 to April 1991 and Army Chief of Staff (from April 1991 to September 1995). The French army under Jacques Lanxade, played in Rwanda between 1990 and 1994, the role of a real occupation force, involved in serious crimes. As supreme commander of the Army, Jacques Lanxade received reports of abuses by the Rwandan army, its massacres, its discriminatory and genocidal policy, but he maintained increased assistance to this criminal army; by providing means like equipment, logistical and personnel, for its training and its development.

In 1991, Jacques Lanxade paid a visit to Rwanda in companionship of his chief of staff, General Pidancet and colonel Delort, head of external relations. During this visit, Jacques Lanxade participated in talks with higher authorities of the State and the Army, and visited on ground the Noroît and DAMI detachments. During this visit, Jacques Lanxade was informed of the massacres committed by the FAR on Bagogwe in Ruhengeri, but maintained the presence of the French instructors.

Jacques Lanxade equated the RPF in Uganda to the Tutsi group as a whole and thereby transforming a political conflict into ethnic or racial conflict. Jacques Lanxade argued that the Hutu ethnic majority corresponded to the democratic majority, and then decided to take sides with that majority. Worse, for Jacques Lanxade, every Tutsi was considered a potential fighter of the RPF; France’s enemy that had to be fought. Under Jacques Lanxade’s command, the French military DAMI Panda, received in April 1991, the order to provide operational assistance to the FAR to militarily strengthen the regime, so that it gains an upper hand in negotiatiations with the RPF.

Documents and testimony show that Jacques Lanxade was informed by his Defence Assistant, of the whole situation prevailing in Rwanda since 1990, and that important decisions were taken after his approval. Ambassador Jean-Michel Marlaud confessed before the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry (MIP) that all communications from the Embassy of France in Rwanda were controlled by the military Attaché who, in turn, reported to Lanxade and Christian Quesnot.

{{2) General Christian Quesnot}}

Special Chief of staff of President Mitterrand from 1991 to 1995, Christian Quesnot is one of those responsible for alluring unreserved support to the Habyarimana regime. He was the main informant of the Chief of Staff regarding any interventions; both official and secret, that the French army carried out in Rwanda. In all his notes to President Mitterrand, Christian Quesnot advocated for immoderate support to the Habyarimana regime and its armed forces.

During the genocide, Christian Quesnot constantly held talks with President Theodore Sindikubwabo and constantly pleaded with President Mitterrand for France’s military aid. On 29thApril, 1994, three weeks into the genocide, Christian Quesnot wrote extremely offensive words about the RPF: “The RPF is the most fascist party I met in Africa. It can be equated to “black Khmers’. It has collusion with Belgians”. On 4 May 1994, the same demonization was repeated. On 4th May 1994, the same demonization was repeated. On 6th May 1994, Christian Quesnot offered support to FAR who were committing genocide.

May 24, 1994, General Quesnot, addressing the President, urged him to decide on a direct military support to the FAR and the interim government: “The coming to power in the region of a minority whose aims and organization are much more like the system of the Khmer Rouge is a guarantee of regional instability whose consequences have not been anticipated by those, including France, whose complicity and complacency are obvious”. The ferocity of these remarks and hatred they contain reflect a total and deliberate adherence to the ideas and actions of the perpetrators of the genocide.

{{3) General Jean-Pierre Huchon}}

He was the deputy to General Quesnot from April 1991 to April 1993 and head of the military cooperation mission from April 1993 to October 1995. He upheld the manipulation of ethnicity and coordinated the delivery of arms, munitions and military equipment to the FAR before and during the genocide. These weapons were used to carry out massacres of innocent civilians killed by the army and paramilitary militias. In May 1994, Jean-Pierre Huchon repeatedly received in his office in Paris, Lt. Col. Cyprien Kayumba, head of logistics and procurement in the Rwandan ministry of defense who stayed there for twenty seven days “to try speed up the supply of weapons and ammunition to the Rwandan army”. An arms purchase agreement was awarded to the SOFREMAS, a public company exclusively controlled by the French state. On May 9, 1994, Jean-Pierre Huchon received Lieutenant Colonel Ephrem Rwabalinda, Advisor to the Chief of Staff of the FAR.

In the report on his mission, Ephrem Rwabalinda mentioned among the priorities discussed with Jean-Pierre Huchon “the support of Rwanda by France in terms of international politics; the physical presence of French military in Rwanda (…) support within the cooperation framework, indirect use of regular or non-regular foreign troops”. Ephrem Rwabalinda also indicated that Jean-Pierre Huchon had accepted to provide FAR ammunition and communications equipment.

Rwabalinda added that Jean-Pierre Huchon advised Rwanda to brand the RPF responsible for the genocide: “(…) If nothing is done to return the country’s image outside, Rwanda’s military and political leaders will be held accountable for the massacres committed in Rwanda. He reiterated this point several times”. (…) “portraying the good image of the country on the international scene is a priority that is NOT subjected to be brushed aside. These Telephones I bring should help to get out of isolation vis-à-vis the international community”. Rwabalinda concluded that “the military house of cooperation is preparing emergency measures to be taken in our favor”.

{{4) Lieutenant-Colonel Michel ROBARDEY}}

Michel Robardey came to Rwanda in September 1990 and left in April 1994. Robardey led a team of four French gendarmes who developed and installed, between 1992 and 1994 in a tormenting center known “CRIMINOLOGY”, a computerized data system to provide lists of wanted persons and those to be tortured or massacred. These lists targeted primarily Tutsi and Hutu political opponents.

In February 1993, the Prime Minister, Dismas Nsengiyaremye, sent a letter to the Rwandan defense minister in which he protested against the criminal intent of those lists and demanded their confiscation. These encompassed an instrument of the genocide in 1994. A note of French military intelligence acknowledges that since the first day of the genocide, “equipped with pre-established lists, soldiers and the Presidential Guards undertook the killings of all Tutsi and Hutu from the south or those supporting opposition parties.”

In the same center, Robardey participated in a series of violent interrogations against people who were detained there. In February 1993, major Corrière under the command of Robardey, tortured two Tutsi, Japheth Rudasingwa and Anne Marie Byukusenge, in the premises of Criminology, accusing them of providing a local newspaper “Le flambeau”, with photos showing French soldiers involved in the fighting alongside the FAR. Anne Marie Byukusenge died later as a result of this torture. During their presence in Criminology, French gendarmes concealed in the criminal investigation, any evidence to prove the involvement of the Rwandan regime in terrorist acts that were unfairly attributed to RPF.

Currently, Michel Robardey is a member of an association of genocide deniers called France-Turquoise which brings together the former French soldiers who participated in Operation Turquoise in Rwanda in 1994. Michel Robardey owns a blog on which he disseminates disavowal ideas about the genocide committed against Tutsi. He participates in many seminars of genocide deniers and always testifies in favor of the suspected Rwandan genocidaires in France and other countries’ courts.

{{5) Colonel Gilbert Canovas}}

Gilbert Canovas was from October to November 1990, the operational assistant to the Defense Attaché and Advisor to the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan gendarmerie. He was actively involved in the implementation of the plans to establish roadblocks on which several civilians were killed. On April 12, 1991, in companionship of Major Christian Refalo, Gilbert Canovas went to Ruhengeri “for the purpose, he writes, of studying how to conquer and take control of the area of the volcano forest occupied by Inyenzi and where all our infiltration attempts have so far failed.”

During this operation, Gilbert Canovas organised a training of militiamen on killing and infiltration methods. Another example of his active engagement with the Habyarimana regime is the meeting of 18 February 1991 between Michel Robardey, Colonel Gilbert Canovas and the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan gendarmerie, Colonel Rwagafirita, during which Colonel Canovas “said to be fully available to provide support for effective defense of the capital Kigali.”

{{6) Colonel Jacques Rosier}}

Jacques Rosier was head of Military Support Detachment and Instruction (DAMI) between June 1992 and November 1992. It is in this year 1992 that the DAMI emerged in Gabiro, Gako, Mukamira and Bigogwe military bases, emphasizing on training of Interahamwe. Jacques Rosier was the coordinator of the training. The two waves of killings that took place in Bugesera, early March 1992 targeting Bagogwe Tutsi between November 1992 and January 1993, were committed by Interahamwe militiamen trained by French instructors of DAMI. These criminal training had also been criticized in the report of the Commission of UN experts in June 1994 in these terms: “a training camp for Hutu militia (Interahamwe) had been established in Mutara. The sessions lasted three weeks each, including indoctrination of 300 men on ethnic hatred against the Tutsi minority. The sessions also included learning methods of mass murder. ”

{{7) Captain Etienne Joubert}}

He was the head of DAMI called Panda of 23 December 1992 to 18 May 1993. Etienne Joubert led training of Interahamwe in Gabiro military camp. In this camp, Etienne Joubert and his men trained three distinct groups namely Burundian Hutu, Rwandan soldiers and Interahamwe militia. During Turquoise, Etienne Joubert returned to Rwanda, Gikongoro, initially as head of Special Operations Command (SOC) and at the same time intelligence officer and Chief Operating Officer. SOC officers he commanded were the first French soldiers to arrive in Gikongoro on 24 June 1994. Etienne Joubert immediately cooperated with the authorities responsible for the genocide, including the prefet Bucyibaruta and captain Sebuhura, organizers of the genocide in Gikongoro. At SOS and ACEPR College Gikongoro, military men and officers under his command committed killings against the Tutsi, rape and systematic sexual assaults.

{{8) Colonel Didier Tauzin}}

Military adviser to President Habyarimana from 1990 to 1993, head of DAMI Panda and Chimère operation (22 February-28 March 1993), then after, commander for a short time, of Turquoise Gikongoro. He contributed towards training of the militia men and fought the RPF in 1993. He boasted of his acts in these terms: “We have given hard time to the RPF! (…) We broke the momentum towards Kigali. (…) No survivors.” He was strongly opposed to the Arusha peace agreement, which he called “totally unrealistic, outrageous and despicable, a desertion and treason ” that allowed “the intrusion of RPF militia in the country”. In other words, members of the RPF are not Rwandans, they are foreign militia!” He told the press, on 04/07/1994, that the French army would not hesitate “to break the back of the RPF”. In his book published in 2011 “Rwanda: I demand justice for France and its soldiers”, Tauzin denies that there was a genocide against the Tutsi.

{{9) Colonel René Galinié}}

He was the Defence Attaché and head of military assistance to Rwanda (August 1988-July 1991), Commander of the Noroît Operation (1990-July 1991 except November 1990): Defense Attaché to the Embassy of France in Rwanda and head of military cooperation mission (July 1991-April 1994), Noroît commander from July 1991-December 1993 except February and March 1993. He was aware of all the massacres committed by the Habyarimana regime, he covered them, and kept on providing assistance and logistical support to the regime.

{{10) Colonel Bernard Cussac}}

Defence Attaché and Chief of cooperation mission at the Embassy of France in Rwanda (July 1991-April 1994), Commander of Operation Noroît (July 91 to December 93, except for February and March 93). He participated in the interrogation of RPF prisoners of war and the so-called civilian accomplices of the RPF. Most of them were killed. In his report of April 5, 1993, he clearly mentions to the possibility of genocide.

{{11) Lt Col. Jean-Jacques Maurin}}

Operations assistant to the Defence Attaché of the Embassy of France in Rwanda from 1992 to 1994 and Advisor to the Chief of Staff of Rwanda. He had to advise the chief of Staff of the Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR), colonel Serubuga in conducting operations, preparation and training of troops; they met frequently. He participated as he says himself: “the development of the daily battle plans and was involved in decisions” taken by FAR. Jean Jacques Maurin also co-led Operation Amaryllis with Colonel Henri Poncet in which Tutsi were killed especially at Kigali International Airport.

{{12) Commander Grégoire De Saint Quentin}}

Technical Adviser to the Commander of the Para-commando battalion, Major Aloys Ntabakuze and training officer of aerial troops, August 1992-12 / 04/1994. He was present at Kanombe military barracks and led the checking of aircrafts. He trained the killers of the Para-commando battalion which oversaw the operations that took place in Kanombe on the evening of 06/04/1994.

{{13) Colonel Dominique Delort}}

He was Noroît Commander. In February-March 1993, he also became commander of DAMI in Bigogwe and Mukamira military camps where he trained the Rwandan army and militia. In February 1993, he set up an identity check mechanism to Kigali entries on Ruhengeri-Kigali, Gitarama-Kigali and Rwamagana-Kigali axes. Civilians were arrested on ethnic grounds, some went missing and others killed. Dominique Delort instigated a bitter hatred against the RPF to which he attributed all crimes committed by the FAR. For example, in March 1993, he is the one who ordered Lt Col. Michel Robardey to provide “special attention on gathering of information about the massacres and atrocities of the RPF to better counter their propaganda”.

{{14) Lieutenant Colonel Jean-Louis Nabias}}

On March 03, 1992, he replaced Colonel Chollet, head of DAMI PANDA. His job was to provide training to regiments of the FAR, putting much of his efforts on their weakest areas such as night infiltration missions or learning bypass techniques. These trainings were held in Gabiro and Bigogwe military camps. At the same time, the training was also given to Interahamwe militia.

{{15) Commander Denis Roux}}

From November 1991 to February 1993, he was the head of DAMI Presidential Guard. This DAMI trained Presidential Guards and the Interahamwe who eventually spearheaded the genocide. One of his trainers, Warrant Officer Thierry Prungnaud acknowledged with remorse on 22 April 2005 to Radio France Culture: “I am certain; the French formed the militia in 1992. This occurred several times. The Presidential Guard was involved in several assassinations, especially between 1992 and 1994. ”

{{16) Captain Paul Barril}}

In 1990, before the RPF offensive, Barril conducted an audit of the Rwandan army. He presented himself as adviser to President Habyarimana. During the genocide, he was paid by the genocidal Government to train elite soldiers as part of “Insecticide,” operation meant to eliminate the Tutsi. He himself reported to have been present in Rwanda on 7th April 1994, he displayed on France 2 TV in June 1994, a device that he claimed to be the black box of Falcon 50 of Habyarimana. He is among those who actively deny the genocide committed against the Tutsi. He is especially the one who steered the purported investigations of Judge Bruguiere.

{{17) General Jean-Claude LAFOURCADE}}

Jean-Claude Lafourcade was the top commander of the French forces engaged in Turquoise from 22ndJune to 22nd August 1994. Those French military officers cooperated with the authorities involved in the genocide. The testimonies of French officers collected by journalists during Turquoise prove that French officers well knew who they were dealing with in deciding to work with these genocidal authorities. For example, Captain Marin Gillier confirmed to journalist Christian Lecomte in July 1994: “We know that the mayors and sous-prefets of the region are mostly involved in the massacres of Tutsi or their instigators. We have accumulated evidence to prove it. But for now, they are our only contacts with the million and a half Hutu refugees who poured into the area”.

{{18) Colonel Jacques Hogard}}

Jacques Hogard was the commandant of Turquoise in Cyangugu. He allowed his subordinates to commit the killing of Tutsi, rape and sexual violence. In Cyangugu, French soldiers gave weapons to Interahamwe militia, encouraged them to hunt down Tutsi and kill them. At Nyarushishi camp of the internally displaced, guarded by French soldiers, Tutsi from outside were intercepted by Interahamwe militiamen before they could enter the camp. Tutsi refugees, pushed by hunger that attempted to go out of the camp were killed by the Interahamwe positioned on these roadblocks in view of French soldiers. The practice of rape by the French military was also frequent and systematic in the camps of French military in Cyangugu. In their campsite at Kamarampaka Stadium, the Interahamwe used to bring girls to the French in daylight. From 17 December 2005, Jacques Hogard owned a blog on which he published disavowal ideas against RPF and current regime in general. It was closed in 2007.

{{19) Colonel Jacques Rosier}}

In June 1994, Jacques Rosier returned to Rwanda as head of Special Operations Command (SOC) from 22 June to 30 July 1994 in the Zone Turquoise. The massacre of the Tutsi in Bisesero emanates from his individual decision. Jacques Rosier was in Kibuye on June 26, 1994 where he inspected the deployment of Lt Colonel Jean-Rémy Duval (aka Diego) and his 35 CPA-10 men at the Kibuye Technical School (ETO Kibuye). It was from there that he refused to order for any intervention to save Tutsi survivors of Bisesero even though he had just been informed that they would be killed immediately.

{{20) Col. Patrice Sartre}}

Patrice Sartre was Head of Turquoise Gikongoro from 05 to 16 July 1994 and Kibuye from 16 July to 21 August 1994. During these periods, a series of attacks followed by murder, rape and other inhuman treatment, were directed against civilians. For example, in Rubengera, under his instructions French soldiers collaborated with local authorities actively involved in the genocide. French soldiers ordered the killing of Tutsi who had gathered behind classrooms in Rubengera College.

{{21) Commander Marin Gillier}}

Marin Gillier commanded the French military detachment based at Gishyita commune offices. He was informed on June 26, 1994 by foreign journalists of the existence of surviving Tutsi in Bisesero and that massacres of civilians were taking place. He went there with his colleague Diego and his detachment. They met Bisesero survivors and left them unprotected.

{{22) Lieutenant Colonel Eric De Stabenrath}}

Eric De Stabenrath led Turquoise in Gikongoro from 16th July to 22ndAugust, 1994. After their settlement in Gikongoro, French soldiers directly collaborated with administrative and military authorities of the prefecture who executed the genocide.

At Murambi camp, the French soldiers who controlled its access always enquired the ethnic group of people, and inside the camp, they indiscriminately mixed Tutsi survivors of the genocide, former FAR elements and militiamen who had participated in the genocide. This coexistence allowed the militia to continue killing in the camp yet it was a space meant to meet the humanitarian conditions. Foreign journalists on the scene in July-August 1994, described a situation where Tutsi survivors were threatened to death by Interahamwe militiamen. Crimes such as rape and assault were frequent, widespread and systematic in the headquarters where Eric De Stabenrath stayed.

{{Conclusion
}}
The analysis of these facts demonstrates that senior French officers and politicians committed very serious crimes in Rwanda. The refusal to end the judicial investigation and pronounce a dismissal against Rwandan leaders who ended the genocide is an attempt of concealing their responsibilities. They only are carrying on the war they undertook against the RPF since 1990.

It is not a coincidence that Kayumba Nyamwasa has the same lawyer; Veronique TRUONG, as General Quesnot, one of the strongest supporters of the Rwandan genocidal regime.

{{Dr. Bizimana Jean Damascene is the Executive Secretary of CNLG.}}

{The Minister of Defense, Gen James Kabarebe has said that theft and intention to overthrow Rwanda government to commit genocide is the main cementing factor of the friendship between French judges and Kayumba Nyamwasa. }

He said this on Sunday holding as he talked to 200 members of Genocide Survivors Students Association (AERG) in Rwamagana district.

Minister Kabarebe made the comments in reference to two French judges, Jean-Marc Herbaut and Nathalie Poux who have recently announced a bid to reopen the investigation on the shooting of the airplane of ex-president Habyarimana Juvenal.

It was followed by the testimony of Kayumba Nyamwasa who accused Rwanda leaders of involvement in the shooting.

The investigation was preceded by the previous one of 2006 by Judge Jean Louis Bruguière which accused nine people including Kayumba of involvement in the plane shooting. Today, Kayumba Nyamwasa has been accorded space to express his concerns where he attributed the case to others.

“You must know that strength to commit genocide is full.You know that French people have reopened investigations, what are the reasons to reopen these cases? They are only meant to change the administration,” he said.

“What they did is going to South Africa to seek a thief like Kayumba for advice. I don’t know what they promised him; whether money or not since he realized that his wars are nonsense, they said ‘so, attribute the case of 40 officers said to shoot down the plane of Juvenal Habyarimana to Kagame, Kabarebe and Kayonga,” said Kabarebe.

Minister Kabarebe asked them to keep awake and resist people intending to discriminate Rwandans.

“If you survived and have no feeling to resist such negative ideas, you would have survived for nothing. Can you survive to see your future children killed? That would be useless,” he said.

{The National Commission for the Fight Against Genocide (CNLG) has issued a statement talking, in depth, how French ambassadors to Rwanda between October 1990 and April 1994 were involved in the preparation of genocide that claimed lives of more than one million Tutsi killed over innate personality. }

{{Statement in full }}

Rwanda’s liberation struggle initiated by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) on October 1, 1990 was an occasion for a series of commitments of French alongside HABYARIMANA’s regime that they would commit; four years later, the Genocide against the Tusi. French officials were deeply involved in the genocide masterminding. Among them are Georges Martres (France’s ambassador to Rwanda from 1989 to 1993) and Jean –Michel Marlaud (France’s ambassador to Rwanda from March 1993 to April 1994

{{A. MARTRES Georges}}

Various engagements carried out between 1990 and 1993 show that he was perfectly aware of the preparation of the genocide against the Tutsi and that he knowingly supported the regime that was preparing to exterminate a part of its population.

{{1) His own revelations}}

In 1998, before the French Parliamentary Information Mission, George Martres acknowledged that he was aware of the impending genocide against the Tutsi since the end of 1990: “The genocide was foreseeable from that period (…). Some Hutus had the boldness to refer to it. Colonel Serubuga, then Deputy Chief of Staff of the Rwandan army, had hailed the RPF attack, which he said would serve as justification for the massacres of the Tutsi. The genocide was a daily worry for the Tutsi. From the beginning of October 1990, thousands of people were imprisoned in Kigali, mostly because of their belonging to the Tutsi minority or just because they had sympathies or some shared interests with the Tutsi”.

In meetings between Rwandan military officials and French diplomats, the possibility to commit the genocide against the Tutsi was often cited by high Rwandan officials, essentially military.

The chief of staff of the gendarmerie, Pierre Celestin Rwagafirita, told General Jean Varret, the then head of military cooperation mission from October 1990 to April 1993, that Tutsi “They are very few, we will liquidate them”.

Georges Martres who represented France in Rwanda was aware of the intention of Rwandan senior officers to exterminate the Tutsi and maintained his support for the regime and its army.

{{2) In his telegrams to Paris}}

In the Diplomatic Telegram (TD) of 12th October 1990, Georges Martres described the anti-Tutsi nature of the regime, the violence it exercised over them and the possibility of the genocide. This is a proof that he knew everything taking place: “There are some symptoms indicating that this conflict may eventually degenerate into an ethnic war. (…). The arrests of suspects in the city of Kigali alone would amount to several thousands (10,000 minimum). Interrogations are violent, people are imprisoned several days without food or drink. Indeed, Rwandan officials have asserted that Tutsi invaders have inscriptions on them, demanding the return of Tutsi kingship ‘Ramba Mwami’ (Honour the king). This also prohibits any national reconciliation between Hutu of the North and the Hutu of the South as well as some liberal Tutsi who were still hoping for democracy that Habyarimana had promised”.

In the TD of 13th October 1990, Georges Martres established that the hunt for Tutsi populations had become widespread, but still called for increased military aid to the regime that was committing these crimes: “Hutu peasants organised by the MRND have intensified the search for suspected Tutsi in the hills, the killings are reported in the area of Kibirira region, 20 kilometres northwest of Gitarama. The risk of generalization, already reported, of this confrontation and seems to occur (…). Government forces are likely to suffer from their small number and lack in terms of materials and technicians, and can no longer exploit further the loyalty of citizens who are increasingly participating in military action through armed self-defence groups armed with rudimentary weapons like bows and machetes. They could not eventually also reverse the situation in their favour with a sustained external support. Hence the appeal to friends; France in particular.”

In the TD of 15th October 1990, Georges Martres recognized the possibility of the genocide, but remained loyal to the regime that was planning to commit it.
“Rwandans of Tutsi origin think the military had failed in its psychological extensions because it did not get fast enough results to prevent mobilization of Hutu against the prospect of the return of the old monarchy. They still count on a military victory with the support of men and resources from some foreign countries. This military victory, even partial, would allow them to escape the genocide. ”

On 6th December 1990, the extremist newspaper, Kangura No. 6 published the ten commandments of the Hutu, with an openly genocidal characteristic. On its front page was a photograph of President François Mitterrand with this inscription: “a true friend of Rwanda. It is in adversity that indeed true friends are manifested”. Georges Martres notified this fact to his superiors in his telegram of 19 December 1990: “the latest edition of Kangura newspaper which I reported in my TD 740 of 17 December has further accentuated the nervousness of the population in which the ideology of Hutu extremism is gaining ground in some, while it frightens others “. Georges Martres did not so far advocate for France to advise its ally, the Rwandan government, to prevent the spread of these writings inciting ethnic hatred.

In the same TD of 19th December 1990 George Martres described “the rapid deterioration of relations between the two major ethnic groups, the Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda resulting in a prominent risk of slewing with adverse consequences for Rwanda and the region at large “. The TD added: “Hutu extremism is gaining ground in some, while it frightens others”. Surprisingly, Ambassador Georges Martres did not propose anything concerning efforts prevent the Rwandan regime from tilting in horror.

In the TD of 24th January 1991, written after his meeting with President Habyarimana, George Martres exhibited his commitment to agree with the argument brought by President Habyarimana of the alleged idea of establishing a Hima-Tutsi empire instead of recognizing the exact nature of the conflict to bring the regime to adopt a sound policy its regulation: “the president reaffirmed his conviction that Rwanda had been victim of an outside attack of great magnitude that, more than ever, can’t be considered an internal matter. (…). I admitted that in contrast, the problem was increasingly dominated by ethnic aspect, the attackers almost all belonging to a Tutsi Hima of the Great Lakes region, of which President Museveni himself is descendant “.

In the TD of 9th March 1992 on the massacres of Tutsi in Bugesera, Georges Martres acknowledged the existence of a Hutu extremism exacerbated from the ruling party and its outposts, but did not recommend anything to his superiors regarding measures to limit the effects of this extremism: “for several months, extremist movements have developed -the movement for the defence of women and ordinary people, the Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), the Palipehutu, which was supported by Kangura newspaper called upon Hutu to come together around the ideals of the old Parmehutu, with the main objective to defend majority people against the ethnic group that supplied the old feudal class. These extremists, mostly from the hardliners of the National Revolutionary Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) but recently removed from power, are often from the north but are used to influence the southern region, far less directly affected by the war. ”

In the TD of 11th March 1992, George Martres explained that “inter-ethnic conflicts in Bugesera” and in particular the murder of the Italian religious Tonia Locatelli, were not committed by the local authorities: “misconception according to the official version, deliberate killing according to rumours, the victim was known for her opposition to the controversial mayor of the commune. Furthermore, her quite clumsy statements to RFI was also probably displeasing”. Tonia Locatelli was murdered by a Rwandan military man because in her telephone interview with RFI, she denounced the government’s version which claimed that the violence held in Bugesera was spontaneous. It is an act that shows that Ambassador Martres supported the regime even in its cruelty.

Whenever President Habyarimana appealed to French military aid, claiming an RPF attack, Ambassador Georges Martres pleaded for an automatic and immediate positive response without using his influence to exert pressure on the regime to observe law and order and establish democratic institutions; and urge the regime to stop the serious human rights violations. For instance: on 5th June 1992, George Martres wrote: “President Habyarimana called me this morning at 8:00 to inform that RPF had attacked the town of Byumba in the context of a direct action combined with acts of insurgency in Mukono and Kaniga. (…). The head of State obviously wants a second contingent to be sent immediately to Kigali to protect the city and the airport. Whatever the nature and extent of the attack, whose extent I am not yet able to anticipate, it seems in any case necessary to strengthen the French military personnel that formed the “détachment Noroît”.

On 7thMarch 1993 there was a cease-fire agreement signed in Dar es Salaam between the FAR (Forces Armées Rwandaises) and the RPF. On 9th March 1993, the CDR accused Habyarimana and Prime Minister Dismas Nsengiyaremye of betrayal.

On 11th March 1993, George Martres wrote a long telegram disapproving, like CDR, both the power-sharing protocol and the cease-fire. He regretted the exclusion of the CDR from the transitional institutions that he considered “totally arbitrary”, appalled to the fact that in doing so, President Habyarimana “missed it”. Georges Martres proposed that the “Hutu nationalism” represented by the CDR had to find another leader, as President Habyarimana was to be just the President of only Hutu and should be replaced as Head of State for the simple fact that he had agreed to sign a cease-fire and an agreement to share power. In the theat context, the support given by Ambassador Georges Martres on claims of an extremist party, provided the opportunity to exacerbate the discourse of hatred and ethnic violence.

{{3) In his public statements
}}

In 1991, George Martres was interrogated by the international mission of investigation by five international non-governmental organizations about the massacres of Bagogwe in the former prefectures of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. Georges Martres reduced them to simple acts of vengeance, and minimized the severity hence clearing the Rwandan authorities yet they were the instigators and direct perpetrators of the killings. He said: “I was informed of several murders that were committed in different parts of Rwanda. I hope these are isolated cases and that the government will make efforts to end these acts of vengeance which impede on national reconciliation, of which the pursuit would lead the country to ruin. ”

{{B. Marlaud Jean-Michel}}

Like his predecessor, Jean-Michel Marlaud admonished the State of terrorism practiced by the Habyarimana regime but later demonstrated affinities with the Hutu extremist parties and involved in active execution of the genocide.

{{1) His own confession and those of his employees}}

Before the French Parliamentary Information Mission on France’s actions in Rwanda, Jean-Michel Marlaud acknowledged that he received sufficient information on the impending genocide against the Tutsi: “This information comprised an additional element of the long series of alerts of which the Embassy was held concerned; the resumption of the offensive by the RPF one day, the beginning of a massacre next day.”

Michel Cuingnet, the then head of France’s Cooperation Mission to Rwanda (October 1992-September 1994), told the French Mission of information that the Embassy of France was aware of preparations for the genocide: “On 8th January 1994 there was distribution of weapons by the army in Hutu dominated villages in the northwest of the country and on 19thJanuary 1994, a letter from Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana sent to MRND ministers, called on the defence minister to carry out the distribution. The same day, Mr. Roger Booh-Booh, the United Nations representative said that all weapons in secret weapon stores had disappeared”.

{{2) Diplomatic dispatches}}

On 12thJanuary the chargé d’affaires of the Embassy of France in Kigali, Mr Bunel, who was under the orders of Ambassador Marlaud sent a telegram to Paris, citing the existence of plans a genocide against the Tutsi. It reads:
“SUBJECT: THREATS OF CIVIL WAR.
The Special Representative of the Secretary General of the UN convened a meeting that morning with the heads of BELGIUM, USA and FRANCE missions, with General Dallaire, for sharing with them the information provided by a senior MRND in charge of training of the Interahamwe militia, under which a civil war was about to be triggered according to the following scenario: (…). 1700 Interahamwe from Kigali would receive military training and weapons. For this, with the involvement of the Chief of Staff of the FAR. The precise location of Tutsi elements of the population of Kigali should also help eliminate 1,000 of them in the first hour after the onset of chaos. ”

{{3) Formation of a government of killers}}

On 7thApril1994, Jean-Michel Marlaud actively participated in training in the offices of the Embassy of France, of the interim government that was executing the genocide. He ruled out any meeting with personalities of the Hutu opposition like the Prime Minister, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, who nevertheless lived a few meters from the Embassy of France, or the appointed Chief of Staff General Marcel Gatsinzi who also had not condoned the genocide. Marlaud only collaborated with the killers.

{{4) Exfiltration extremists}}

Between 7th and 14th April 1994, Jean-Michel Marlaud favoured exfiltration of extremist regime who were responsible for the massacres. Meanwhile, Jean-Michel Marlaud took responsibility to abandon the Tutsi staff of the Embassy and those who worked in French cooperation agencies. He refused the taking away of children from the orphanage of a French Citizen Marc Vaiter yet sent soldiers to evacuate the Ste Agathe orphanage, owned by the wife of President Habyarimana.

During this evacuation in Ste Agathe, Tutsi were identified and killed the acts directed by a militia leader of the CDR, Paul Kanyamihigo in front of the French military. In other places, such as the Embassy of France in Kigali, French Cultural Centre, around the Kanombe airport and elsewhere, French soldiers made selective sorting of people to evacuate on a purely ethnic basis. These sorts of murder were made on the order of Jean-Michel Marlaud.

{{5) Justification of Genocide}}

Jean-Michel Marlaud kept sending the theses of the interim government in justifying genocide by justifying the armed conflict and by criminalizing the RPF military men and officers who fought to stop the genocide that: “It was the RPF that refused a cease- fire as did UNITA in Angola. The argument that it will not stop fighting until the atrocities and massacres cease makes the issue more complex. While it is true that after the announcement of the death of President abuses immediately started and gave a foundation to the RPF armed intervention, today the situation is quite opposite: the Hutu, as they will feel that the RPF is trying to take power, react by ethnic massacres. Only a cease-fire could allow a gradual recovery of the hands in position. ”

{{CONCLUSION}}

The two French ambassadors to Rwanda between 1990 and 1994 were aware of the existence of the intent to commit the genocide. They deliberately allowed the situation to continue, providing valuable support and assistance to the regime that was preparing and executing genocide

{The bilateral and diplomatic relations between Rwanda and S. Africa has been put for a long time despite the recent hiccups that saw diplomatic turbulence that is being handled through diplomacy and other possible means.The Rwanda ambassador to South Africa, H.E VINCENT KAREGA talks to IGIHE about the relationship between the two countries, the fugitives based in S. Africa and how Rwanda views their existence as well what the future holds. Excerpts.}

{{ Q: Can you briefly tell us the current relationship between Rwanda and Southern Africa countries?}}

A: Rwanda and all southern African countries enjoy cordial bilateral and multilateral relations through African Union and the forum called tripartite mechanism among SADC, EAC and COMESA and also ICGLR_SADC. Mutual exchange of officials and business visits occur among all of them on issues related to peace keeping in Africa, business, China Africa Summit, Interpol cooperation, individual companies visits and tourists and investors activities back and forth. However, between South Africa and Rwanda, relations encountered some turbulences related to the presence and activities of Rwandan dissidents called RNC.

Diplomats on both sides were recalled and bilateral activities reduced. A process of harmonization over the frosty relations is underway and we hope to see a full fledged normalization and definitely new heights leading to more investments and cooperation.
Despite all of that Rwanda coffee is sold in almost all South African coffee shops, some produce and garments from Rwanda are also being tried on the South African market. Rwandans have invested in housing and storage facilities, medical clinics in South Africa and some are lecturers in universities and professionals in various fields or ordinary migrant labour. We also have a community of university students in South Africa. South Africa investments in Rwanda are in Telecommunication and ICT, Cement plant, insurance, Consultancy, landscaping and real estates.

Rwandans in Botswana are professional medical doctors, traders and other professionals similar to Swaziland, Lesotho, Namibia, Mozambique, Angola, Zambia, and Malawi. At the same time in Southern Africa we have few Rwandans who are asylum seekers and very hostile to Rwanda preaching the genocidal ideology, providing support to FDLR and running a propaganda machinery that Kigali regime is hunting them using their fellow immigrants who keep ties with their motherland Rwanda as a strategy to sustain their case for asylum and destabilize members of Diaspora so that they fear to be identified with Rwanda government and join them for rebellion.

These groups are made up of culprits of genocide, their sympathizers and family members, misinformed youth born abroad in families preaching ethnic hatred. Together with them are the recent disgruntled RPF members including General Kayumba Nyamwasa and allies. He also reles on these pro FDLR members to run their propaganda and intimidation actions against others using lies and manipulation of domestic media and in some cases local officials hoping to build a solid base that can change regime in Kigali in their favor as a short cut to election they cannot dare participate in.

Amazingly most of their games lack proper backing and maturity to be able to challenge the landslide progress in Rwanda and the choices of over 90% of Rwandans. On a positive note, about 1000 former illegal immigrants some former RNC members have decided to return back to Rwanda in the last 3 years and few of them are back in this region for economic reasons but keep constructive relations with Rwanda.

{{Q: Recently Thirteen Rwandans who were living in Zambia were flown back home after losing property and their savings during Lusaka’s xenophobic attacks in April. What were the real issues?}}

A: The reason why 13 Rwandans immigrants were victims of xhenophobic attacks in Zambia are various. Elections fever coupled with rumours about witchcrafts and victimisation of foreigners not only Rwandans. Zambia hosts many refugees from Rwanda mostly those who resisted to return to Rwanda after the refuge Camps in former Zaire and actual DRC were dismantled. Some among them remain loyal to the genocide ideology of Habyarimana regime, some are direct or indirect culprits of genocide and others continue to positively reconnect with Rwanda and free themselves from false fear caused by FDLR propaganda and demonisation of Kigali government. Programmes like “Come and see, go and Tell”, online information and Rwanda online media are positively changing perceptions.

Back to the attacks, it is also important to note that they were not blessed by the Zambian Government; it regretted the incidents and restored order. However it is important to call upon Rwandans in petty trade in foreign countries to learn to put together their capital and brains so as to invest in big retail business , housing, agriculture, tourism selling Rwandan products abroad but also learn to joint venture with local people so as to avoid rising into Rwanda islands in foreign countries and be perceived to bring no value but take over subsistence business from the local poor. It is possible to act big as real investors if Rwandans abroad do away with ethnic and FDLR politics by embracing the current policies in Rwanda: We are Rwandans “Ndi umunyarwanda” and cooperative movements that boost petty traders into big and structured business.

Old politics in pubs and within Rwandan communities is one big thing that impede them from working together and trusting each other. Rwanda government is not anti refugees or people who in the past were so much associated with past regimes and genocide. Under reconciliation programmes, truth and forgiveness through Gacaca, the government of Rwanda has made thousands of culprits move on with life.

Over 11,000 FDLR members have been repatriated and reintegrated. Some ex-FAR soldiers and high level officers have, too, been reintegrated in the Rwandan Defense Forces and serving the nation with patriotism. More than 95% of all Rwandan refugees 1959, 1973 and new case load of 1990,1994 refugees and Gacaca fugitives have safely returned home and they are part of the Rwanda transformation and hope story of today.

Rwanda, more than many African countries, has seen its professionals quitting high jobs in America, Europe, Asia and other parts of Africa to contribute to new Rwanda Transformation in government jobs or private sector. Genocide cases have been handled diligently in courts like Mugesera and other extradited cases not guillotined as by FDLR propaganda.

And remember 37% of alleged genocide culprits in Gacaca were found innocent due to lack of substantive evidence. Rumours that any Hutu returning home either guilty or innocent will be charged with genocide case or killed on arrival is utter nonsense and contrary to Kagame’s Administration policy of unity, reconciliation and moving forward.

{{Q: In the recent past, some Rwandans accused of committing crimes, like Kayumba Nyamwasa and others have left their country for South Africa. Why do you think they consider that country as a safe haven?}}

A: The likes of Kayumba who committed crimes in Rwanda and packaged themselves as opposition under threat in South Africa just took advantage of a country which most of its current leaders were refugees, discriminated and pushed out because of their claims to have equal rights. Since they are in power they are very much committed to protect other political refugees under threat in their country using the Vienna convention plus their own human right charter.

Kayumba being protected in South Africa does not mean South Africa is a safe haven for criminals from other countries. The only unfortunate thing is him being taken as a political victim by his own story. Kayumba being a high ranking soldier and intelligence officer, senior diplomat during RPF struggle and during 16 years of RPF rule in Rwanda could not in any way hold these positions of trust from RPF and be at the same time a powerful critic of the same regime. Nobody ever asked him. Since when did he ever become a dissent voice in Rwanda or did he resign from RPF to stage up opposition and then being persecuted.

Where he is now he positioned himself as someone who at any occasion challenged RPF ideology and politics and nobody listened but RPF persecuted him and he had no other choice than saving his life by running.

But as a member of political bureau in Rwanda in the old days in 1995 to 1998 in RPF; and an official attending all policy retreats including self criticism ones, I have never heard Kayumba challenging anything he was known for being quiet behaving like a disciplined soldier letting politicians and technocrats debate. Even in military retreats his so called vocal criticisms are unknown; he was known instead for underground intrigues, nepotism, embezzlement, fast acquisition of land, houses, properties using his position, dividing officers to rule them and self aggrandizement in the most smooth and silent way.

The only time he spoke in the retreat it was during entertainment time when he highlighted his few encounters in India with Buffalo milk when he moved there as the Rwandan Ambassador.

The story the man sells out today of a tuff opponent to Kagame ill policies is just a joke to those who are in the know. Amazingly the Secretary General of his party Gihana Kennedy who also claims similar persecutions in seeking for Asylum is a former RPF foot soldier who was demobilized and illegally came to South Africa years before Kayumba.

He declared himself as a Burundian refugee, but, amazingly was in n search of greener pastures. All did not work well as he became homeless. Former Ambassador Colonel Karemera gave him the Rwanda Embassy boys quarter for shelter and temporary job as security guard at the Embassy out of pity. Kennedy registered for university with personal assistance from Rwanda Embassy Staff and diasopra good Samaritans such as Esperance Kagubare. When Kayumba came to South Africa he registered him in his newly created party in South Africa.

Today Kennedy also claims he escaped Rwanda persecution for his political opinions. Escaping persecution from Rwanda into a Rwandan Embassy is such an amazing story. But in media and Immigration in South African he is treated as a victim of political persecution in Rwanda according to his own affidavit.

Frank Ntwari brother in Law of Kayumba is another imposter as opposition figure abroad. Currently he is the coordinator of RNC Africa.

One may think they have thousands of members or so but you will be amazed that their biggest congress had never filled up a classroom. This young man was sent to South African on Rwanda Government Scholarship; he was too young living in Kayumba’s family as an adopted child to oppose the government Kayumba was working for. As a student, he was a regular visitor to the Embassy of Rwanda in Pretoria to collect his stipends and tuition fees. When Kayumba fled Rwanda just after one disciplinary interrogation on his wrong doings in the exercise of his duties as a senior cadre in the RPF secretariat, Franck Ntwari also declared himself as a persecuted politician for being a vocal activist against bad politics in Rwanda! Come on! Nobody on earth has ever heard or seen any audio or video of their political activism in Rwanda that led them to be persecuted. It is fiction, manipulation and frustrations.

Time is proving these imposters are liars completely disconnected politically with the people of Rwanda. Kagame’s administration is all inclusive, transformative, transparent and results-oriented. South Africa is their safe haven or not time is telling; though some circles and opinion leaders have bought in their story.

{{Q: The problem of Rwandan fugitives in South Africa has worsened relations between the two countries and led to expelling a number of diplomats on both sides. What are you trying to do and fix the situation?}}

South African visa ban to Rwandans since the diplomatic crisis in march 2014 is still on and the frustrations of Rwandans who have no political business but looking to attend to their friends, business partners, doctors and universities even regional and international events held in South Africa have been expressing their frustration and asking why Rwanda continues to give visas to South Africans.

As I said before the two countries at many occasions and at high levels have agreed to normalise relations and resolve this visa matter as well. When? Definitely when the South African Side decides to do so as it is all in their power and policy choices to open doors or close them to Rwandans.

On the Rwandan side we could not launch on one hand all Africa Visa as a policy on arrival minus South Africa then it will not make sense. We have interests in open visa policy. We cannot be influenced by a one bilateral ban. Instead we must deal with the causes of the ban and find solutions no matter how long it takes than impeding on our strategic policy.

{{Q: There have been rumors of plots and killings against Rwandans in Southern of Africa. Recently, Louis Baziga escaped the killing which was organized by his fellow Rwandans. And some years back, Theogene Turatsinze was found dead. What do you think are the reasons behind such tragedies?}}

Plots of Rwandans immigrants in Southern Africa of sabotaging or killing fellow immigrants do exist and cases have been identified mainly in Malawi and Mozambique and even Zambia and recently aborted attempts in Swaziland. Through blogs of Kayumba’s RNC and the remnants among refugees of FDLR flag bearers who are in close collaboration are targeting refugees who are successful in business and resist to join their negative forces.

They want to force adhesion to RNC/FDLR by force. They run a campaign around immigrants who are wealthy and visit Rwanda and invest there as spy and killer of RPF targeting FDLR/RNC members in Southern Africa and attribute their business success to financial grants by RPF in Rwanda. This propaganda creates insecurity among those suspects of genocide fearing to go back home and those dissidents fearing anything and anybody even though really nobody cares about their mere so called political agenda built on a tiny network of criminals and uneducated people.

Those with nothing to lose and living with fear to be caught by Rwanda government engage in killing plots and as soon as someone dies they run fast to media to say Rwanda government is killing people abroad. Remember in Maputo where Turatsinze Theogene was a successful business man and regular visitor to Kigali owning property in Rwanda and sitting on RDB board. After mysteriously killing him and dumping him in the sea RNC declared that Government of Rwanda killed him for disclosing secrets to IMF on mismanagement of BRD he managed for more than 3 years. How could he be visiting Rwanda and investing in Rwanda if he was the state enemy.

IMF and Rating agencies continue to rate Rwanda financial sector including BRD at High rate of B+ ; so what was the effect of so called Theogene spilling beans on BRD to IMF and being killed by Rwanda Government. A similar game took away the life of the Head of Rwanda Diaspora in Malawi also a regular visitor to Rwanda with no issue with government. When these desparate radicals kill them they immediately say Kigali did so, . The similar campaign in Europe RNC faking fiction in London for being targeted by death squads from Rwanda.

A very RNC agenda counting on Aid cut and ICC as a shortcut to power. Amazingly a similar scenario to Theogene case targeted Louis Baziga recently, a prominent business man in Maputo. He was called by a paid killer who ended up disclosing the plan and saving him. The major Rwandan culprit is in jail and facing the case. His other immigrants associates have disappeared from Mozambique when they learnt their friend is arrested and naming his collaborators.

According to the plot, after Louis’ planned death they were going to say Kigali Government killed him to steal his property in Rwanda. That is how cheap or hopeless this FDLR/RNC mafia works.

The good news is that from the failed plot on Louis death in Maputo, gave an insight about their evil. In my various messages to these immigrants I always call upon them to take advantage of hospitality from host countries, behave and respect local laws and culture and to focus on their businesses while making their country of origin proud and respected. I warned them that if they become the source of their own insecurity on foreign land, both the good and bad ones will be deported as unwanted immigrants. I told them several times that Rwanda is not a small state or a mafia state to send death squads to meaningless people in destitute situations.

All genocide perpetrators and other criminals can be better tracked through Interpol and bilateral relations with other countries not through civilian merchants spying on colleagues. But they prefer to follow the lies and propaganda of their RNC/FDLR masters. It is amazing to read their fictional stories on me the Ambassador going to places like Durban to organise and fund killers against refugees. They used my picture on a high table with a South African Minister during a Mandela day commemoration. So childish!

They as well used my picture at Cape Town airport near another passenger waiting for luggage on a conveyer belt and they said the guy near me was a killer I went to recruit. How can he be recruited in the luggage hall as a meeting point? Incredible politics! My message to Rwandan immigrants in Southern Africa is to be critical of the propaganda and be able to always find out the truth. We are in the era of information technology; always compare different sources of information and be progressive and forward looking.

{{Q: Rwandan fugitives in South Africa do not hide their intentions to the Government of Rwanda including attack to the country through their party, RNC. Do you know the position of South African government which is hosting them on their land? And what do you think is the RNC status in South Africa?}}

RNC stated in 2012 through the news paper City Press in Pretoria that they will carry out a coup in Rwanda supported by the world; a coup like the one on Kadhafi in Libya. The response from the South African government was a warning letter to them against making such pronouncements on a friendly state from South African soil.

Since then they changed the strategy and opened an online Radio called Itahuka. All the pronouncements they can’t up in open media are channeled through this itahuka online radio that they say is based in Washington but the majors runners are RNC fellows based in South Africa. The content is so week and hopeless that the so called Radio is a born dead like all other RNC strategies. South Africa also have an eye on their activities to ensure they are not harmful to Rwanda but it is a difficult task as they have their own country’s priorities and may not be able to assess the harm a kinyarwanda word or propaganda can do.

At the end of the day Rwanda does not expect so much from UN or other countries to help contain the poisonous RNC/FDLR ideology and war plans. Within its borders Rwandan resilience and capability to defend its territory are not doubted even by these so called” opposition “abroad. Their Status in South Africa is just like any other local media or NGO saying whatever they wish against whoever they want but the large section of researchers and investigative journalists, business intelligence people and many policy makers know where Rwanda comes from and where it is. They don’t take RNC views as a true source of information except in some few corners of less critical/analytical people.

{{Q: So let’s talk about Rwanda’s economic performance. Today Rwanda is a place that the business community considers as stable for investment.. On other hand, South Africa has a big economy in Africa. How can Rwanda benefit from their experience? Can we expect major business investments from South Africans to Rwanda in the near future?}}

I remain optimistic that the conducive business environment in Rwanda and the Pan-Africanist move towards a better and stronger Africa a value that both Rwanda and South Africa cherish will once again enhance business and cooperation. As Rwanda enters high end creative products, industrialisation, embark on profit yielding big projects such as airport, Olympic city, Silicon Valley, Special Economic free Zones, Energy, Water ,railway and real estate projects, South Africa is a market for Rwanda agriculture and art products, holiday and cultural products. Rwanda is a safe opportunity for industrialists ,financiers and property developers including engineering and other consultancy services. It is in our mutual interests to look into strategic ways of working together in a win-win fashion and for sure this is happening already.